If recent polls on the California gubernatorial race are at all accurate, Lt. Gov. Cruz Bustamante will not win the election, but he will certainly come closer than most other candidates. That’s because Mr. Bustamante enjoys an advantage most other candidates, including the (still) likely winner, Arnold Schwarzenegger, don’t—namely racial solidarity.
Because Mr. Bustamante is Hispanic and exploited that identity in the campaign and because, thanks to the mass immigration the Open Borders lobby has helped import into the state, some 14 percent of the California electorate today is Hispanic, and because Hispanics in California (and most other states) vote as a racially solid bloc, Mr. Bustamante is slated to win their support by an overwhelming margin.
A Washington Post story last week made clear that the lieutenant governor “has three times more support among Latino voters than any other major candidate in the election.” That may not be enough—this time—to elect him governor, but it puts him well ahead of most of his rivals.
The story also makes clear, though it doesn’t quite say so, why Hispanic voters are so keen on Mr. Bustamante. It’s because they think of themselves as a unit—”we”—and of Mr. Bustamante as “one of us.” [ For Latinos, Recall Is a Rare Opportunity | Bustamante Strongly Favored in Community, By Rene Sanchez, Washington Post,September 30, 2003]
“It’s a chance we’ve never experienced before,” one Hispanic lawyer told the Post. “We’ve never been this close.”
Another Hispanic voter bubbled happily at the prospect of racial power Mr. Bustamante’s campaign offered: “We’re no longer the minority in California, but I still feel like we’re 20 years behind everyone else.”
With the exception of black voters, there is no other sizable ethnic group in the state or the country that identifies as “we” more strongly.
What the Hispanic “we” feels is not at all the same thing Irish Americans, for example, felt when John F. Kennedy was elected (if “elected” is quite the right word for the way Kennedy became president). Americans of Irish descent who felt joy at Kennedy’s victory did not plan to take over the country or claim the country was now “theirs.” But that’s exactly what Hispanic voters in California seem to express.
As the Post reports, “In Latino communities across the Central Valley, some activists are preoccupied with promoting Bustamante’s candidacy, not saving [Gray] Davis. They are going door-to-door and deluging voters with phone calls in the hope that will spur a huge turnout at the polls.”
It would be stretching to claim that most Hispanic voters share the bizarre anti-Americanism of the Voz de Aztlan, the racial nationalist newspaper supporting MEChA, the Chicano Student Movement for Aztlan, that has just endorsed Mr. Bustamante and whose endorsement he has not rejected.
Nevertheless, its language is worth quoting.
“Next Tuesday October 7, Nuestra Raza [Our Race] will have an unprecedented and outstanding opportunity to elect one of our own as Governor of Alta California. It has been a very long struggle since the invasion of our territories and this election will not be handed to us in a silver platter. We must do everything humanly possible to bring out our gente to vote on October 7. Every community committee and MEChA Chapter throughout the state must work diligently and tirelessly next Tuesday to bring out the vote on behalf of Cruz Bustamante. Remember ‘Dump Davis – Elect Bustamante.'”
“Throughout the recall campaign, Cruz Bustamante has proven himself to be a loyal soldier for La Raza,” the editorial exults.
And indeed so far Mr. Bustamante has said and done nothing to suggest he is not a loyal soldier for his race.
No other candidate in this campaign or, except for most black candidates, in the rest of the country enjoys the kind of racially driven voter support that Mr. Bustamante possesses, nor does any other court political support on the basis of race as brazenly. No white group of any kind supports Mr. Schwarzenegger or his rival Tom McClintock because he is believed to be “a loyal soldier for his race.”
And no white candidate could receive an endorsement from a white group because of race without being forced immediately to reject the endorsement and denounce the group. White racism or even the hint of it is enough to get Rush Limbaugh canned. Anti-white racism is OK.
But another lesson of the anti-white racial nationalism now nearing triumph at the polls is what it means for the dwindling numbers of whites in the state.
What it means, to put it as bluntly as possible, is cultural and political subordination to the new “we” now emerging as California’s—and eventually the country’s—ruling race.