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Accused of being a serial harasser in 2019, Joe Biden did what comes naturally. He apologized for perceived past misbehavior, and, to appease his accusers, pledged to choose a woman for a Biden ticket.

Reacting to the racial rage that erupted after the death of George Floyd under the knee of a white Minneapolis cop, Biden reacted again. He put out word he would be looking closely for a Black woman to run with.

Thus did Joe paint himself into a corner.

For there was no Black female governor of any state in the Union, and there was only one Black woman in the U.S. Senate — Kamala Harris.

This presented a problem. For in the first debate, Harris had charged Biden with colluding with segregationist senators in the ’70s to block the busing of school children for racial balance.

Harris introduced the toxic charge against Biden with this sweet upfront concession: “I don’t believe you are a racist.”

This Tuesday, Biden made a virtue out of necessity.

He chose Harris to run with him. And did so just one day after receiving a letter from 100 prominent Black men led by rapper Sean “Diddy” Combs and radio host Charlamagne tha God that read like an ultimatum.

“For too long Black women have been asked to do everything from rally the troops to risk their lives for the Democratic Party with no acknowledgment, no respect, no visibility, and certainly not enough support.

“Failing to select a Black woman in 2020 means you will lose the election. … We don’t want to choose between the lesser of two evils and we don’t want to vote for the devil we know versus the devil we don’t because we are tired of voting for devils — period.”

Astonishing. Here are prominent Black Democrats describing the candidates they have had to support in recent years — Bill and Hillary Clinton, Al Gore, John Kerry, Joe Biden — as “devils” and the “lesser of two evils.”

Last Friday, 700 “Concerned Black Women Leaders” delivered a similar letter to Biden demanding he put a Black woman on the ticket.

Wednesday, Biden complied. But after the media ovation for Biden’s selection of Harris dies down, a new reality will emerge.

Before winning her Senate seat in 2016, Harris was a prosecutor and two-term attorney general of California who had established a reputation for being tough on petty criminals.

Biden, as chairman of the Senate judiciary committee, also had taken pride in helping craft the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994, which dramatically increased incarcerations and disproportionately affected Black men.

However, Black Lives Matter has pulled the Democratic Party sharply to the left on the issue of crime and cops with its battle cry of “defund the police!”

Yet, today, two months after Floyd’s death, mayors and cops in Democratic cities are still bedeviled by rioters, looters, arsonists, anarchists and a criminal class that settles its quarrels with nightly killings and weekend shootouts.

The public is getting fed up. People want their cops back, and leftist politicians and police are coming into increasing conflict.

The Black police chief of Seattle, Carmen Best, has retired rather than carry out the city’s decision to cut 50% of her budget.

Elected officials in New York, Los Angeles and Minneapolis have approved plans to reduce police budgets. Meanwhile, shooting and killings are going up in almost every city including D.C. and New York, where more have died of gunshot wounds in 2020 than died all last year.

The president has staked out his position, and it does not lack for clarity. President Donald Trump embraces the phrase “law and order,” denounces the “defund-the-police” movement as promoting anarchy, and offers federal aid and agents to cities that request help. He calls on mayors and governor to demand the National Guard to deal with the crisis and condemns them for their chronic failure to safely secure cities they have run for decades.

Trump has been accused of taking us back to the Nixon era.

But 1968 was the culmination of a decade of soaring crime the likes of which the nation had not known. At its convention in Chicago, the Democratic Party was ripped apart by anarchic violence and the police response. In late September, even Hubert Humphrey was denouncing the “fascists” shouting him down at every appearance.

Undeniably, Trump has his problems.

But it is not certain that Biden’s sheltering in his basement and issuing his milquetoast responses to Portland, Seattle and the shootings, lootings and killings in Chicago, will prevail on Nov. 3 over Trump’s boisterous campaign call to crack down on criminals, go back to school, get back to work and “play ball.”

Biden-Harris looks like a ticket content to sit on its lead and ride to victory in November, the way Governor Dewey did in 1948.

Patrick J. Buchanan is the author of “Nixon’s White House Wars: The Battles That Made and Broke a President and Divided America Forever.”

Copyright 2020 Creators.com.

 
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Since the death of George Floyd beneath the knee of a cop in Minneapolis on Memorial Day, the nation has been instructed by its cultural elites that this is the daily reality that a racist America has too long ignored

Our nation, it was shouted in our faces, is a place where white cops harass, brutalize, assault and kill Black Americans regularly and with impunity.

“Defund the police!” the Black Lives Matter demand went out, to be echoed and re-echoed by BLM’s amen corner of progressive elites.

The pendulum may be swinging back, for this weekend reintroduced us to the old familiar world.

In Washington, D.C., about midnight Saturday, at a block party in the Southeast sector of the city, three shooters fired 100 rounds, wounded 20, killed a teenager and left a female police officer in critical condition.

It appears to have been an attempted massacre, a slaughter.

“More than 115 people have been slain in the District this year, a 17 percent increase over this time in 2019, which ended the year with a decade high,” reports The Washington Post.

D.C.’s numbers, however, pale by comparison to Chicago, where this weekend recorded 32 more people shot, with three dead.

According to the Sun-Times, there were 106 homicides in the city in July, a single-month body count almost equal to the toll D.C. has piled up in all of the first seven months of 2020.

A disproportionate number of the dead and wounded are Black Americans, and a disproportionate number of the shooters and killers are Black men.

If black lives matter, where is Black Lives Matter?

Rarely in these stories of shootings and killings does one read that the dead were the victims of rogue cops or white supremacists.

Indeed, the front page of Monday’s New York Times gave voice to the city’s Black and Hispanic leaders who are objecting to a proposed $1 billion cut in the police budget. The people in high-crime precincts, for whom these leaders speak, want more, not fewer, cops on the beat.

Even Portland, Oregon, which has been indulging nightly protests since the killing of George Floyd, seems to be awakening to the real world.

When the Department of Homeland Security pulled its agents out of Portland and handed the defense of the Mark Hatfield federal courthouse to the state police, the “peaceful protesters” shifted their attention to the city’s buildings and Portland Police Bureau’s East Precinct.

With police personnel corralled inside, the East Precinct was barricaded with cars and wooden planks, and an attempt was made to set it afire by throwing flaming objects into the building.

Mugged by reality, Mayor Ted Wheeler seems to have belatedly awakened to the character of the protesters he has been coddling:

“When you commit arson with an accelerant in an attempt to burn down a building that is occupied by people whom you have intentionally trapped inside, you are not demonstrating, you are attempting to commit murder.”

Equally problematic: “You will be creating the B-roll film that will be used in ads nationally to help Donald Trump during his campaign.”

Portland police union president Daryl Turner was enraged at what he had seen. “I am disgusted that our City has come to this,” said Turner. “If it is acceptable for rioters to… try and burn down occupied buildings, and if this conduct is allowed to continue, then Portland is lost.”

Wheeler, having gotten the message the rioters have been trying to deliver, finally ordered his city’s police to do “what is necessary” to quell the rioting, even if it means using tear gas.

What has happened in Portland, and across much of America, was predictable, and predicted.

First, the progressives tolerate and even celebrate civil disobedience, because the cause is just and noble. Then, to hold onto public attention, the protesters march and block traffic. Next comes the cursing of cops, the throwing of trash, water bottles and rocks. Then there’s the smashing of store windows, looting and arson, and Molotov cocktails. Finally, there’s instigating violence with cops to get footage of police fighting back so the law enforcement officers can be painted by the progressive press as stormtroopers and the Gestapo.

In Portland, we reached the point where “peaceful protesters” tried to set a building ablaze with cops barricaded inside.

This, as the mayor said, is attempted murder.

Today, people watch their leaders in city after city fail to keep the peace and restore order as protesters riot at will, and they make plans to move out. In the suburbs and country, they quietly observe the inability of cops to quell the violence, and they buy guns.

While the right backs Trump’s stand for law and order, the ultimate battle here may be between liberal Democrats elected to, and failing to, run the cities, and the radical left and Marxists who welcome their failure as they intend to kick the liberals down the stairs.

Patrick J. Buchanan is the author of “Nixon’s White House Wars: The Battles That Made and Broke a President and Divided America Forever.”

Copyright 2020 Creators.com.

 
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When Vice President Calvin Coolidge ascended to the presidency on the death of Warren Harding in 1923, a wag remarked that Silent Cal’s career had exhibited unmistakable signs of celestial intervention.

Governor Coolidge vaulted to national attention during the Boston police strike of 1919, where, in a stinging letter to Sam Gompers of the AFL, he thundered: “There is no right to strike against the public safety by anybody, anywhere, any time.”

If Joe Biden becomes president, celestial intervention, once again, cannot be ruled out.

Consider.

In the first Democratic contest in 2020 in Iowa, Biden, though the clear front-runner in the national polls, ran a humiliating fourth. In New Hampshire, a week later, he ran fifth. In Nevada, Joe was crushed again by Bernie Sanders but edged out Sens. Elizabeth Warren and Amy Klobuchar thanks to his loyal African American base.

Came then South Carolina where the Black vote, 60% of the total, gave Biden a triumph — and the momentum that propelled him to a sweeping victory on Super Tuesday. Biden’s delegate count became so large it was virtually impossible for Sanders to overcome.

That March, however, which had begun with the resurrection of Biden’s campaign, was also the month the COVID-19 pandemic hit in full fury, sinking the exuberant economy that had been Donald Trump’s ticket to reelection.

At that point, Biden went to earth. Through the spring of 2020 and this summer, he has socially distanced himself from the press and the public and sheltered in place in a basement bunker as the worst pandemic in a century drove down the best economy in decades to Depression-era levels. The last quarter alone saw a 9% plunge in our gross domestic product.

If Biden wins in November, then his “basement bunker” campaign will be studied by historians alongside the “front porch” campaign of Harding that led to the 1920 landslide victory over Democrat James M. Cox.

Yet, several scheduled events could still upend Biden’s take-no-risks-and-run-out-the-clock strategy. The first is his choice of a vice presidential nominee, which Biden has promised will be a woman.

However, if Biden restricts his choice to a Black woman, as some have insisted, he eliminates from consideration every governor and senator in the party save Kamala Harris.

And if all the media attention given to Harris and other VP candidates fails to produce that Black woman, in this hour of renewed demands for racial equality, Biden will have some serious explaining to do to the core constituency that saved his bacon in South Carolina.

There is another danger in Biden’s choice.

When General Eisenhower chose Richard Nixon in 1952, the liberal press ginned up a story about a “secret Nixon slush fund,” so intense that Ike was almost stampeded into dropping his running mate.

In 1972, Sen. George McGovern’s campaign failed in its due diligence on his vice presidential choice, and McGovern was forced to drop Sen. Tom Eagleton from his ticket and replace him with Sargent Shriver.

Moreover, given Biden’s age — he would be the oldest president ever inaugurated by eight full years — his choice will have to be seen by the nation as a credible president.

A second hurdle for Biden is his speech accepting the Democratic nomination.

The country would be watching intently to see if the Biden of August 2020 had lost the mental and communication skills he once had.

But Biden’s advisers bypassed that hurdle this week by declaring that the pandemic prevents Biden from traveling to the Milwaukee convention.

This leaves the three presently scheduled debates as perhaps the last major hurdles between Biden and the presidency.

Since 1960, when John F. Kennedy established himself as a credible challenger to Vice President Nixon in the first of four debates, these confrontations have often proven critical.

In 1976, President Gerald Ford severely damaged his chances of holding onto the office he had inherited from Nixon when he insisted during his debate with Jimmy Carter that Poland, then under Soviet control, was a free nation.

Ronald Reagan used his 1980 debate with Carter to show with his wit and demeanor that he was anything but the reactionary of the major media’s depiction.

For Trump to regain lost ground, he must convince the country that not only is he the right man to manage America’s way out of the health crisis, economic crisis and racial crisis that were none of his doing, but that Biden has lost the physical rigor and mental capacity to cope with the triple crisis. And the best, and perhaps last, place to do that is in the debates.

The left understands this, which is why we are suddenly seeing media suggestions that Biden should cancel the debates.

A terrified left wants Joe Biden to coast to victory, and many on that side share a belief that this may be the only way he gets there.

Patrick J. Buchanan is the author of “Nixon’s White House Wars: The Battles That Made and Broke a President and Divided America Forever.”

Copyright 2020 Creators.com.

 
• Category: Ideology • Tags: 2020 Election, Donald Trump, Joe Biden 
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“When the people find that they can vote themselves money, that will herald the end of the republic.”

This was the nightmare of Ben Franklin.

Yet, with passage this spring of a $4 trillion bailout of an economy facing historic losses because of the COVID-19 pandemic, and Nancy Pelosi’s House having voted out another $3 trillion, we may have reached Franklin’s peril point.

Indeed, if Democrats capture the Senate and win the White House, as many polls now project, it is not easy to see who or what prevents an uncontrolled explosion of fresh spending and a concomitant expansion of federal power.

Consider. In his eulogy to John Lewis at Ebenezer Baptist Church, Barack Obama called on Democrats, if victorious in November, to kill the Senate filibuster, all but calling the filibuster an instrument of systemic racism.

Yet, the filibuster has been and remains one of the distinguishing features of the United States Senate. It allows for extended deliberation by requiring, not 51 but 60 votes, a supermajority, to shut off debate and pass major bills.

If Democrats capture the Senate and abolish the filibuster, the Republican minority in 2021 would be stripped of virtually the only effective weapon in its arsenal to halt, slow, or shape U.S. law.

That is exactly what Obama was urging in his eulogy to Lewis.

“If politicians want to honor John,” said a surprisingly militant Obama, “Let’s honor him by revitalizing the law he was willing to die for … (And) once we pass the John Lewis Voting Rights Act, we should keep marching.”

“Keep marching”? To where?

Said Obama: “By making sure every American is automatically registered to vote, including former inmates… By adding polling places, and expanding early voting, and making Election Day a national holiday… By guaranteeing that every American citizen has equal representation … including the American citizens who live in Washington, D.C., and in Puerto Rico.

“If all this takes eliminating the filibuster, another Jim Crow relic … then that’s what we should do.”

By calling the filibuster “another Jim Crow relic” the ex-president was putting progressives on notice that failure to get rid of it would be to collaborate with racists.

After abolishing the filibuster, says Obama, Democrats should ram through statehood for Puerto Rico and D.C., thereby expanding the Senate to 104 members, and adding four new Democratic senators.

That new Senate, says Obama, should enact every law possible to enlarge and expand the electorate, including extending the ballot to ex-convicts.

His eyes open to the potential of a Senate where 51 Democrats can enact a socialist agenda, Sen. Bernie Sanders hastily endorsed Obama’s call:

“President Obama is absolutely right. … Getting rid of the filibuster would enable Democrats to pass a comprehensive agenda to guarantee the rights and dignity of everyone in this country.”

This is but the beginning. If Democrats deprive a Republican minority of the filibuster, there would be no one stopping Congress from passing or the president from signing new anti-gun legislation.

The door would be open to legislation putting DACA “dreamers” on a fast track to citizenship, and to granting amnesty to illegal migrants, and to putting the 11 million to 22 million who are already here on the road to citizenship and the ballot box.

With amnesties, open borders bills, a renewal of chain migration, an end to deportations and new restrictions on ICE and the Border Patrol, a Democratic Congress, by opening the gates to millions, could turn traditionally red states such as Arizona, Georgia and Texas as blue as New York, Illinois and California.

As The Wall Street Journal also notes, one of the agenda items of the Biden-Bernie-AOC Democratic Party is the raising of payroll taxes, personal income taxes, corporate taxes, capital gains taxes and estate taxes.

All of these newer and higher tax rates are included in a $3 trillion package to which Joe Biden has signed on.

If Democrats gain control of Congress and the filibuster is killed, reparations for slavery, the Green New Deal, “Medicare for All” and harsh climate change laws are on the table for Democrats to decide alone, without hearing from the GOP.

In a 2017 public letter, Democrats endorsed the retention of the filibuster, both on principle and because of the unique character of the Senate: “We are steadfastly committed to ensuring that this great American institution continues to serve as the world’s greatest deliberative body.”

If the filibuster is thrown out, writes the Journal, “The door to radicalism is getting busted wide open, and Americans of both parties may not like what comes out the other side.”

Another Ben Franklin quote comes to mind.

“A republic if you can keep it,” Franklin told the lady in Philadelphia who had asked what kind of government they had created.

If the filibuster goes, and the Democratic left runs wild in the next two years, will that republic survive the disfiguring surgery?

Patrick J. Buchanan is the author of “Nixon’s White House Wars: The Battles That Made and Broke a President and Divided America Forever.”

Copyright 2020 Creators.com.

 
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There is a real possibility that, this coming week, Joe Biden will be selecting the 47th president of the United States.

For the woman Biden picks — he has promised to exclude from consideration all men, black, brown, white or Asian — has a better chance of succeeding to the presidency than any vice presidential nominee in U.S. history, other than perhaps Harry Truman.

In 1944, the Democratic establishment engineered the dumping of radical Henry Wallace from Roosevelt’s ticket. They could see from FDR’s physical deterioration that he would not last through a full fourth term.

There are other reasons the woman Biden chooses in August may become our 47th president.

If Biden wins, he will be 78 when he takes the oath, older than our eldest president, Ronald Reagan, was when he left office after two terms. Biden would turn 80 even before he reached the midpoint of his first term.

Moreover, Biden has suffered a transparent deterioration of his mental capacities that was nowhere evident when he debated Mitt Romney’s running mate Paul Ryan in 2012.

What are the odds that Biden would serve a full term?

Of our 45 presidents, nine failed to complete the term to which they had been elected. One resigned; four died in office; and four were assassinated. All nine were succeeded by their vice president.

John Tyler became president in 1841 when William Henry Harrison died a month into office of pneumonia, following an inaugural address of nearly two hours in the cold without an overcoat.

Tyler would effect the annexation of the Republic of Texas in his final days in 1845, fail to win his party’s nomination to a full term, back the secession of Virginia in 1861, and end his days as a member of the Confederate Congress sitting in Richmond in 1862.

Mexican War hero and President Zachary Taylor died in his second year in 1850, to be succeeded by Millard Fillmore, who would go on to become the 1856 nominee of the anti-Catholic, anti-immigrant American Party known to history as the “Know Nothings.”

Andrew Johnson became president after the assassination of Lincoln at Ford’s Theater a month after Lincoln’s second inaugural.

Johnson would be impeached in 1868 by radical Republicans who wanted a more severe Reconstruction of a defeated and occupied South.

Chester Arthur succeeded James Garfield in 1881 after President Garfield suffered a mortal wound from an assassin’s bullet at a D.C. train station, only months into his first year in office.

Teddy Roosevelt became our youngest president in 1901 when he succeeded the assassinated William McKinley. In our own time, Lyndon Johnson succeeded John F. Kennedy after Dallas in November 1963.

In addition to Tyler, Fillmore, Andrew Johnson, Arthur, TR and LBJ, three vice presidents succeeded to the presidency in the 20th century on the death or departure of the men who selected them: Calvin Coolidge on the death of Warren Harding in 1923, Harry Truman on the death of FDR in April 1945, and Gerald Ford on the resignation of Richard Nixon.

Thus, of our four dozen vice presidents, all of whom have been white men, nine have risen to the nation’s highest office to fill out a term of the president who selected him.

Yet, with the pandemic crisis, the economic crisis and the racial crisis gripping the nation, what are the unique conditions Biden has set down for the person he would put a heartbeat away from the presidency?

Biden began his selection process by eliminating and discriminating against whole categories of people.

First, no white men need apply. Second, no man of any race, color or creed will be considered. Gender rules them out, though every vice president for 230 years has been a man.

Nevertheless, says Biden, this one has to be a woman.

“No men need apply!” automatically eliminated 17 of the 24 Democratic governors who are men, including Andrew Cuomo of New York and Gavin Newsom of California, and it eliminated 30 of the 47 Democratic members of the Senate who are men.

In the aftermath of the George Floyd killing and protests, pressure has grown on Biden not only to choose a woman but a woman of color, and preferably a Black woman. If that were a criterion, it would eliminate all but a tiny few of the party’s senators and governors.

What national interest impelled Biden to so restrict the pool of talent from which a possible presidential successor would be chosen?

Joe Biden would be the oldest man ever to serve as president. He would enter office with visibly diminished mental capacities. And he has decided to restrict his choice as to who should inherit our highest office by ruling out the vast majority of the most able and experienced leaders of his own Democratic Party.

Is this any way to select someone who could, in a heartbeat, take control of the destiny of the world’s most powerful nation?

Whatever happened to Jimmy Carter’s “Why Not the Best?”

Patrick J. Buchanan is the author of “Nixon’s White House Wars: The Battles That Made and Broke a President and Divided America Forever.”

Copyright 2020 Creators.com.

 
• Category: Ideology • Tags: 2020 Election, Joe Biden, Political Correctness 
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With the Mark O. Hatfield United States Courthouse under nightly siege from violent radicals, and Portland’s police hard-pressed to protect it, President Trump sent in federal agents to secure the building.

The reaction from Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi:

“The use of stormtroopers under the guise of law and order is a tactic that is not appropriate to our country in any way.”

Majority Whip James Clyburn endorsed the speaker’s equating of the U.S. law enforcement officers to Ernst Rohm’s SA thugs being deployed to do the dirty work of Adolph Hitler.

“Nobody asked the federal government to come into Portland. Nobody asked them to come to Seattle,” ranted Clyburn. “This is something that’s made up of whole cloth by this administration as an excuse for sending in stormtroopers to incite the people.”

Clyburn had earlier compared the U.S. officers sent to Portland to Heinrich Himmler’s Nazi secret police: “This president and this attorney general seem to be doing everything they possibly can to impose Gestapo activities on local communities, and this is what I’ve been warning about for a long time.”

His Gestapo comparison recalls Sen. Abe Ribicoff’s denunciation of the Chicago police of Mayor Richard J. Daley during the 1968 Democratic National Convention, after police clashed with radicals in Grant Park: “With George McGovern, we wouldn’t have Gestapo tactics in the streets of Chicago!”

What do the men and women of the FBI, DEA, ICE, DHS, CBP and the U.S. Marshals Service think of congressional leaders who equate them with Nazi stormtroopers and the Gestapo?

Outraged that Trump sent in federal agents to protect a building they had under siege for weeks, the Portland mob came out in even greater numbers and rioted through the weekend. Saturday night, there were solidarity riots with Portland in Seattle, Oakland, Austin, Richmond, and other cities.

Consider the depth of hatred of Trump that would cause leaders of the Democratic Party to compare U.S. law enforcement to Nazis.

Still, to date, no apologies have been heard.

Yet, as police are again being cursed and showered with debris, it is hard to see how this country reunites, and around what, no matter which party prevails in November.

In addition to the reigniting of protests and riots in urban centers there has come, in tandem with demands to “defund the police,” a surge in violent crime. Last week, Trump offered some staggering statistics:

“In New York City, over 300 people were shot in the last month alone, a 277 … percent increase over the same period of a year ago. Murders this year have spiked 27 percent in Philadelphia and 94 percent in Minneapolis compared to the same period in 2019.

“Perhaps no citizens have suffered more from the menace of violent crime than the wonderful people of Chicago … At least 414 people have been murdered in the city this year, a roughly 50 percent increase over last year. More than 1,900 people have been shot. These are numbers that aren’t even to be believed.”

As Black Lives Matter protests revive, ostensibly for greater justice for black folks, a vastly disproportionate number of victims of these urban shootings and killings are black, as are a disproportionate number of the criminals doing the shooting and killing.

The New York Times suggests that a new “Silent Majority” of 2020, unlike Richard Nixon’s Silent Majority of 1969, backs the protesters and their causes.

A dissent: While the country was disgusted and outraged at George Floyd’s death from that cop kneeling on his neck, and supported the protests and the calls for police reform, two months of leftist rampages have taken their toll.

When the protests turned into riots, when the looting and arson began, when the statues began to be pulled down, when the rampages went on and on for weeks and months after Floyd’s death, support began to wane. And it is dissipating quickly.

The country is not going to sit still for three more months of this. At some point soon, America is going to say: Enough is enough.

Moreover, Trump has turned a permanent presidential spotlight on a real outrage: The shootings and killings that go on year in and year out, and are now escalating, especially in poor black neighborhoods of major cities, and are accepted as normal by the same liberal Democrats who have misruled those cities for decades.

Trump has put this issue on the table for the indefinite future. And the ferocity of the liberal reaction testifies to the validity of the issue and the terror of the left that a consistent stand for law and order — and with the cops who guarantee it against the mobs that threaten it — might turn the tide in Middle America back to where it naturally resides.

The majority of Americans believe, and rightly so, that this is a good country. And they will eventually tune out radicals who visibly hate its heroes and history and have on offer nothing but their own inchoate rage.

Patrick J. Buchanan is the author of “Nixon’s White House Wars: The Battles That Made and Broke a President and Divided America Forever.”

Copyright 2020 Creators.com.

 
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How great a burden can even an unrivaled superpower carry before it buckles and breaks? We may be about to find out.

Rome was the superpower of its time, ruling for centuries almost the entirety of what was then called the civilized world.

Great Britain was a superpower of its day, but she bled, bankrupted and broke herself in the Thirty Years War of the West from 1914-1945.

By Winston Churchill’s death in 1965, the empire had vanished, and Britain was being invaded by a stream of migrants from its former colonies.

America was the real superpower of the 20th century and became sole claimant to that title with the collapse of the Soviet Union between 1989 and 1991, an event Vladimir Putin called “the greatest geopolitical tragedy of the 20th century.”

Has America’s turn come? Is America breaking under the burdens it has lately assumed and is attempting to carry?

Today, at the presidential library of Richard Nixon, who ushered Mao’s China onto the world stage, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo is laying out a strategy of containment and confrontation of a China that is far more the equal of the USA than was the USSR.

Writes Hudson’s Institute’s Arthur Herman:

“In the 1960s, manufacturing made up 25% of U.S. gross domestic product. It’s barely 11% today. More than five million American manufacturing jobs have been lost since 2000.”

China controls the production of 97% of the antibiotics upon which the lives of millions of Americans depend. She provides critical components in the production chains of U.S. weapons systems.

Beijing commands more warships than the U.S. Navy and holds a trillion dollars in U.S. debt. Moscow never had this kind of hold on us.

Writes Herman: “Since 2000, America’s defense industry has shed more than 20,000 U.S.-based manufacturing companies. As the work those companies once did domestically has shifted overseas, much of it has gone to China. From rare-earth metals and permanent magnets to high-end electronic components and printed circuit boards, the Pentagon has slowly become dependent on Chinese industrial output. Asia produces 90% of the world’s circuit boards — more than half of them in China. The U.S. share of global circuit-board production has fallen to 5%.”

Decoupling from China and re-industrializing America would be an immense undertaking. But unless and until we do it, we remain vulnerable.

Another decades-long struggle, this time with China, like the Cold War that consumed so much of our attention and wealth from the 1940s to 1991, is not the only challenge America faces.

Through NATO, the U.S. is still the principal protector of almost 30 European nations. And despite Donald Trump’s promise to end our forever wars, 8,500 U.S. troops remain in Afghanistan, 5,000 in Iraq, hundreds in Syria, thousands more in Kuwait and Bahrain.

There are other huge new claims on America’s time, attention and resources. Some 145,000 Americans have perished in five months of the coronavirus pandemic, more U.S. dead than all the Americans soldiers lost in Korea, Vietnam, Iraq and Afghanistan.

A thousand Americans are dying every day, a higher daily death toll than in World War II and the Civil War combined.

The U.S. economy has been thrust into something approaching a second Depression. The 2020 deficit runs into the trillions of dollars. Our national debt is now far larger than our GDP and soaring. Tens of millions are unemployed. And the shutdowns are beginning anew.

From the protests, riots, rampages and statue-smashing of the last two months, it is apparent that millions of Americans detest our history and heroes. Though nowhere in recorded time have 42 million people of African descent achieved the measures of freedom and prosperity they have in the USA, we are daily admonished that ours is a rotten and sick society whose every institution is shot through with “systemic racism.”

The racial divisions are almost as ugly as during the riots of the 1960s in Harlem, Watts, Newark and 100 cities that exploded after the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King.

In the numbers of citizens now shot and killed every week, great American cities such as Baltimore, St. Louis, Detroit and Chicago are looking more like Baghdad.

The Democratic Party is promising to take up the issue of racial reparations for our original sin of slavery. The first order of business, we are told, is ending inequality — of income, wealth, educational attainment and health care. The racial disparity in police arrests, prosecutions, incarcerations and school expulsions, must end.

But if the trillions we have spent to address these inequalities since the Great Society days have failed to make greater progress, why should we believe that we even know how to succeed, absent the imposition of a rigid socialist egalitarianism of results?

The Old Republic is facing a stress test unlike any it has known since the Union was threatened with dissolution in the Civil War.

Patrick J. Buchanan is the author of “Nixon’s White House Wars: The Battles That Made and Broke a President and Divided America Forever.”

Copyright 2020 Creators.com.

 
• Category: Foreign Policy • Tags: American Military, China, Donald Trump 
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Is her racial diversity America’s greatest strength?

So we are told. Yet, even before America becomes a majority-minority nation, 25 years from now, recent changes in the composition of the country are going to impact both parties in 2020.

According to Brookings Institution demographer William Frey, between 2010 and 2020, while America’s population grew by 20 million, our white population fell for the first time since the 1790 census.

White Americans fell as a share of the population in all 50 states, in 358 of 364 metropolitan areas, in 3,012 of 3,141 counties. During that same decade, our Black population grew by 3 million, our Asian population by 4 million and our Hispanic population by 10 million.

What’s the significance of those numbers? In presidential elections, Hispanics and Asians vote 70% Democratic and African Americans vote 90%.

White folks, who made up 69% of the U.S. population in 2000 when George W. Bush was elected, have fallen today to 60%.

For children under 16, the white share has fallen to less than half.

Minority kids are now the majority in California, Nevada, New Mexico, Arizona, Texas, Florida, Georgia, Hawaii, Mississippi and Maryland.

Whites are also the oldest Americans, with a median age of 44. For Asian Americans, it is 37, for Black Americans, it is 35, and for Latinos, it is 30.

Bottom line: The pool of Democratic voters is growing inexorably while the largest pool of potential GOP voters is aging, stagnating and shrinking.

For the GOP, this is an existential crisis. If demography is destiny, and the party does not either increase its share of the white vote or attract millions more Black, Asian or Hispanic voters, then its national fate and future are sealed.

All one need do is look to California. There, Democrats occupy every statewide office and two-thirds of both houses of the legislature. Both senators are Democrats as are 45 of the 52 members of the U.S. House.

Nor are Democrats unaware of the opportunity demography offers.

As persons of color in America — Asians, Blacks, Hispanics, Native Americans and people of mixed race — grow in number, the Democrats’ job is a simple one.

Get more people of color registered and voting.

So, today, Democrats are pushing for amnesty and a path to citizenship not only for the DACA “Dreamers” but also the 11 million to 22 million other immigrants here illegally. Democrats may be found enlarging the electorate anywhere they can, even if it means allowing convicted felons and prison inmates to vote.

If Democrats capture the White House and Senate, the “Muslim ban” on immigration is history, and America’s doors will be opened anew.

But Joe Biden and his generation of Democrats have their own problem.

Even as people of color make up a growing share of the nation, around 40%, they are an even larger, and still growing, share of the Democratic base.

Without the huge majorities Asians, Blacks and Hispanics give them, Democrats could not win the White House. Yet, in this year’s primaries, the six top finishers in delegates were Biden, Bernie Sanders, Mike Bloomberg, Elizabeth Warren, Pete Buttigieg and Amy Klobuchar.

All are white, as are the two top Democratic leaders in the House, Nancy Pelosi and Steny Hoyer; the two top Democratic leaders in the Senate, Chuck Schumer and Dick Durbin; and the overwhelming majority of the 47 Democratic senators and 24 Democratic governors.

Democrats may prattle on about their glorious “diversity,” but a closer look reveals a predominantly white senior officer corps, atop an army of minorities, whose shock troops are the Black Caucus, Black Lives Matter, antifa and The Squad, the latter consisting of four women of color.

There is something else of interest here.

While the statues being torn down in the revolution of the Democratic left are a variety of explorers, conquerors, colonists, missionaries, Confederates and presidents, all appear to have one thing in common.

All are white men.

The Democratic left wants to terminate the succession of white folks making the history of the country.

Thus the Democrats’ problem that comes with Biden’s choice of a running mate. Though demands are being made that minorities, who deliver half of all Democratic votes, be represented on the ticket, Biden is said to be leaning toward a white woman, Elizabeth Warren.

Choosing Warren would make this Democratic ticket like every other one in 220 years, save for Barack Obama’s — an all-white ticket. It would pass over half a dozen women of color and put a white woman first in the line of succession to the presidency. And the 77-year-old Biden is promising to be a transition president.

If Biden overlooks the women of color being considered as running mates and picks a white woman, the rumbling of the coming rebellion of the minorities inside the Democratic Party will be heard loud and clear.

Patrick J. Buchanan is the author of “Nixon’s White House Wars: The Battles That Made and Broke a President and Divided America Forever.”

Copyright 2020 Creators.com.

 
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Is the U.S., preoccupied with a pandemic and a depression that medical crisis created, prepared for a collision with China over Beijing’s claims to the rocks, reefs and resources of the South China Sea?

For that is what Mike Pompeo appeared to threaten this week.

“The world will not allow Beijing to treat the South China Sea as its maritime empire,” thundered the secretary of state.

“America stands with our Southeast Asian allies and partners in protecting their sovereign rights to offshore resources … and (we) reject any push to impose ‘might makes right’ in the South China Sea.”

Thus did Pompeo put Beijing on notice that the U.S. does not recognize its claim to 90% of the South China Sea or to any exclusive Chinese right to its fishing grounds or oil and gas resources.

Rather, in a policy shift, the U.S. now recognizes the rival claims of Vietnam, Malaysia, Indonesia, Brunei and the Philippines.

To signal the seriousness of Pompeo’s stand, the U.S. sent the USS Ronald Reagan and USS Nimitz carrier battle groups through the South China Sea. And, this week, the guided-missile destroyer USS Ralph Johnson sailed close by the Spratly Islands.

But what do Mike Pompeo’s tough words truly mean?

While we have recognized the claims of the other littoral states of the South China Sea, does Pompeo mean America will use its naval power to defend their claims should China use force against the vessels of those five nations?

Does it mean that if Manila, our lone treaty ally in these disputes, uses force to reclaim what we see as its lawful rights in the South China Sea, the U.S. Navy will fight the Chinese navy to validate Manila’s claims?

Has Pompeo drawn a red line, which Beijing has been told not to cross at risk of war with the United States?

If so, does anyone in Washington think the Chinese are going to give up their claims to the entire South China Sea or retreat from reasserting those claims because the U.S. now rejects them?

Consider what happened to the people of Hong Kong when they thought they had the world’s democracies at their back.

For a year, they marched and protested for greater political freedom with some believing they might win independence.

But when Beijing had had enough, it trashed the Basic Law under which Hong Kong had been ceded back to China and began a crackdown.

The democracies protested and imposed economic sanctions. But the bottom line is that Hong Kong’s people not only failed to enlarge the sphere of freedom they had, but also they are losing much of what they had.

The Americans, seeing Hong Kong being absorbed into China, are now canceling the special economic privileges we had accorded the city, as the British offer millions of visas to Hong Kong’s dissidents who fear what Beijing has in store for them.

In June, Pompeo also charged Beijing with human rights atrocities in Xinjiang: “The world received disturbing reports today that the Chinese Communist Party is using forced sterilization, forced abortion, and coercive family planning against Uyghurs and other minorities in Xinjiang, as part of a continuing campaign of repression.”

These reports, said Pompeo, “are sadly consistent with decades of CCP practices that demonstrate an utter disregard for the sanctity of human life and basic human dignity.”

China has rejected U.S. protests of its treatment of Uighurs and Kazakhs and of its handling of Hong Kong as interference in its internal affairs and none of America’s business.

As for the South China Sea, China dismissively replied, the U.S. seems to be “throwing its weight around in every sea of the world.”

These American warnings, and Beijing’s response, call to mind the darker days of the Cold War.

So, again, the question: Is America prepared for a naval clash in the South China Sea if Beijing continues to occupy and fortify islets and reefs she claims as her own? Are we prepared for a Cold War II — with China?

While China lacks the strategic arsenal the USSR had in the latter years of the Cold War, economically, technologically and industrially, China is a far greater power than Soviet Russia ever was. And China’s population is four times as large.

Can we, should we, begin to assemble a system of alliances similar to what we had during the Cold War — with NATO in Europe and Asian security pacts with Japan, South Korea, the Philippines, Taiwan, Australia and New Zealand? Should we adopt a policy of containment of Communist China, which, says Pompeo, is an expansionist and “imperialist” power?

Should we start issuing war guarantees to China’s neighbors? Should we start putting down red lines China will not be allowed to cross?

Before we plunged into our half dozen Middle East wars, we didn’t think through where those would end. Have we considered where all our belated bellicosity toward Beijing must invariably lead, and how this all ends?

Patrick J. Buchanan is the author of “Nixon’s White House Wars: The Battles That Made and Broke a President and Divided America Forever.”

Copyright 2020 Creators.com.

 
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On July 22, 1988, after the Democratic National Convention in Atlanta, the party nominee, Gov. Michael Dukakis, enjoyed a 17-point lead over Vice President George W. Bush.

Five weeks later, on Labor Day, Dukakis was down eight points, the same margin by which he would lose the election. He had lost 25 points in one month.

What had happened? During August, Republican attack groups elevated and relentlessly pounded what might be called Dukakis’ Bay State radical liberalism.

He had proudly called himself a card-carrying member of the ACLU. He had vetoed a bill requiring the Pledge of Allegiance in Massachusetts’ schools. He was against imposing the death penalty. He had issued weekend passes to convicted killers such as the infamous Willie Horton, who had used his get-out-of-jail-free card to go to Maryland and rape and murder.

Vice President Bush ended up winning 40 states.

Is this possible today? Because a turnaround of that magnitude appears to be needed by Donald J. Trump.

Over the weekend, the bad news on the virus front turned awful, for the country and Trump.

The U.S. dead from the coronavirus hit 135,000. COVID-19 deaths, whose weekly average had been falling since April, began to rise again.

New cases of the infection began appearing in previously unseen numbers across the Sun Belt. Florida set a U.S. record with more than 15,000 new cases in one day.

This surge in infections is occurring as the nation debates whether to send its young back to schools. Children, teachers and students could arrive in classrooms in the millions in late summer only to be sent home in a new shutdown as a second wave of COVID-19 hits this fall.

Were that not enough to concentrate the mind, an economy that was as strong as any in modern history last winter now looks to be in a depression. The good news of the May-June revival could be canceled out by shutdowns mandated by the new infections.

Beyond this, America’s racial divide has reopened. The attacks on cops and their demonization in the wake of the killing of George Floyd, has led to demoralization, resignations and retirements, and, from there, to an explosion of shootings and killings in major cities.

And we have witnessed the outbreak of a cultural revolution, which holds that as America has, from birth, been a slave-owning society whose policies toward the native-born amounted to cultural and ethnic genocide, the statues of those generations of men who produced such a history should all be pulled down and smashed.

A medical crisis, an economic crisis, and a cultural and social crisis, have hit us all at once, raising some fundamental questions.

Does America retain the unity, strength and sense of purpose to lead the world? Is American democracy still the model for mankind?

Trump is not responsible for the COVID-19 pandemic. And the shutdowns that induced today’s depression were as much the decisions of governors and mayors as of the president. Yet, he is the one whose fate is tied to the state of the economy in November 2020.

And, politically, Trump is the one paying the price.

Several national polls have Joe Biden up by 10 points or more, and polls in swing states, as well as must-carry states for Trump such as Florida, have Biden leading. In the money primary, Biden and the Democrats turned May and June into winning months. Their Senate candidates are awash in cash in states where they had been seen as sacrificial lambs.

The pundits, following the polls, are giddily predicting a Biden win, a recapture of the Senate and the retention of Democratic control of the House.

What can Trump do? What should Trump do?

In 1948, Harry Truman looked like a certain loser to Gov. Tom Dewey. So he sent a raft of liberal legislation to the Hill and challenged the Republican Congress to enact it. When Congress airily dismissed his proposals, Truman barnstormed the country, calling on America to help him rid the nation of this “no-good, do-nothing 80th Congress.”

Which the country proceeded to do, as it elected Truman and threw out the first Republican Congress to sit since before the Depression.

What the Trump folks must do now is to zero in on Biden’s vulnerabilities, personal and political.

First among these is Biden’s transparently diminished verbal and mental capacity. He is no longer the man who bested Paul Ryan in the vice presidential debate of 2012. Even during controlled appearances where he reads from a teleprompter, Biden emits a sense of unease that he will lose control of his ghostwritten script.

Second, the Biden campaign has embraced an agenda that is, in part, Bernie Sanders-AOC-Black Lives Matter.

The Trump folks need to force Biden to come out of his basement and either embrace or renounce the radical elements of his agenda. They need to do for Biden what Lee Atwater & Co. did for Dukakis.

Patrick J. Buchanan is the author of “Nixon’s White House Wars: The Battles That Made and Broke a President and Divided America Forever.”

Copyright 2020 Creators.com.

 
Pat Buchanan
About Pat Buchanan

Patrick J. Buchanan has been a senior advisor to three Presidents, a two-time candidate for the Republican presidential nomination, and was the presidential nominee of the Reform Party in 2000.

In his White House years, Mr. Buchanan wrote foreign policy speeches, and attended four summits, including Mr. Nixon’s historic opening to China in 1972, and Ronald Reagan’s Reykjavik summit in 1986 with Mikhail Gorbachev.

Mr. Buchanan has written ten books, including six straight New York Times best sellers A Republic, Not an Empire; The Death of the West; Where the Right Went Wrong; State of Emergency; Day of Reckoning and Churchill, Hitler and The Unnecessary War.

Mr. Buchanan is currently a columnist, political analyst for MSNBC, chairman of The American Cause foundation and an editor of The American Conservative. He is married to the former Shelley Ann Scarney, who was a member of the White House Staff from 1969 to 1975.


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