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From Evolutionary Psychological Science:

Human Biological and Psychological Diversity

By Bo Winegard, Benjamin Winegard, and Brian Boutwell

Theoretical Article
First Online: 17 January 2017

Abstract
Many evolutionary psychologists have asserted that there is a panhuman nature, a species typical psychological structure that is invariant across human populations. Although many social scientists dispute the basic assumptions of evolutionary psychology, they seem widely to agree with this hypothesis. Psychological differences among human populations (demes, ethnic groups, races) are almost always attributed to cultural and sociological forces in the relevant literatures. However, there are strong reasons to suspect that the hypothesis of a panhuman nature is incorrect. Humans migrated out of Africa at least 50,000 years ago and occupied many different ecological and climatological niches. Because of this, they evolved slightly different anatomical and physiological traits. For example, Tibetans evolved various traits that help them cope with the rigors of altitude; similarly, the Inuit evolved various traits that help them cope with the challenges of a very cold environment. It is likely that humans also evolved slightly different psychological traits as a response to different selection pressures in different environments and niches. One possible example is the high intelligence of the Ashkenazi Jewish people. Frank discussions of such differences among human groups have provoked strong ethical concerns in the past. We understand those ethical concerns and believe that it is important to address them. However, we also believe that the benefits of discussing possible human population differences outweigh the costs.

You can download it here.

 
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Angry Muslim 2

By Harry Baldwin.

 
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New York Times op-ed columnist Roger Cohen writes in the NYT:

The Closing of Trump’s America
Roger Cohen JAN. 27, 2017

… I am lucky enough to live in Brooklyn Heights with a view out over the East River to lower Manhattan and the Statue of Liberty. So while watching President Donald Trump’s dark inaugural speech a week ago I was able at the same time to glance out at the torch that symbolizes American openness and generosity of spirit.

As Trump’s “AMERICA FIRST,” “AMERICA FIRST” echoed across my living room I thought of Emma Lazarus’ words inscribed on the pedestal of the statue:

“Give me your tired, your poor,

Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free,

The wretched refuse of your teeming shore.”

Friedrich Trump, a penniless German immigrant, was one of those “huddled masses” back in 1885. Lucky he did not attempt to enter the America taking shape under his grandson.

Over time, but not without struggle, I believe the torch will prove stronger than Trump’s fear-filled jingoistic darkness. With the stranger comes renewal. America cannot be itself without it, and Americans will fight for their idea. It is, after all, how they became who they are.

 
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A literary review in The New Republic of a collection of short stories that is currently #22 on the hardcover fiction bestseller list:

Roxane Gay’s Masterpieces of Private Rage

DIFFICULT WOMEN by Roxane Gay Grove Press, 272 pp., $25.00

The stories in “Difficult Women” tackle the intimate realities of race and gender in America.

Reviewed BY RAFIA ZAKARIA

January 27, 2017

A little over two years ago, a grand jury announced they would not prosecute Darren Wilson for the killing of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri. I was in Ferguson the night of the verdict, and happened to speak to the white owner of a bike shop not far from the police headquarters where the crowds had congregated. “We had no idea our neighbors were so angry,” the man told me after I had used the restroom. I remembered his words later as the streets erupted, crowds pulsing with passion became riotous, and the air filled with fire and tear gas and sorrow.

Much has been written about the insularity of white America, particularly since then. Many analyses of the riven edges of American race relations have been astute and revelatory, exposing realities that have been for too long omitted from public debate. But the violence of exclusion is not limited to our public institutions: Racism, and reflexes learned in response to it, seep deep into our inner lives and shape our most intimate relationships. Manifestations of all of these very private American realities can be found in the pages of Difficult Women, Roxane Gay’s debut short story collection. The protagonists of her stories are not always black or brown, nor always women, but they are, all of them, complicit in the infliction or perpetration of intimate violence, racked by secret desires and seething rage. All of it deftly and terrifyingly underscores the absurdity of a society tacitly ordered by skin color and the privileges accrued by those who have ended up at the winning end, circled and watched by those who have not.

One of the most powerful stories in the collection, titled “La Negra Blanca,” features William Livingston III, a rich white man obsessed with black culture and black women. He satisfies this predilection by visiting strip clubs where he can pay Sierra—a biracial dancer who looks white but has inherited her black mother’s booty—to dance in his lap. Sierra, however, is not the origin of Livingston’s obsession; in a hidden closet he “keeps the urban clothing he sends his assistant to West Baltimore to purchase—Sean John jeans and Phat Farm hoodies and Timberland boots.” His understanding of what kids are wearing these days is dated, Gay notes, but it doesn’t keep Livingston from putting on his clothes and “posing in front of the full-length mirror and grabbing a handful of denim-clad crotch.” The scene is redolent with transgression, Livingston’s foray into blackness secret and forbidden. There is, of course, a family history of this obsession. In a moment of father-son bonding, William Livingston II and William Livingston III gather to ogle their black former housekeeper. Livingston the Elder dutifully reminds his son, however, that “you can look boy, but you cannot touch.”

There is, it turns out, no need for such caution. Livingston’s wife, a Connecticut transplant, is willfully ignorant as her husband sits in his study listening to gangster rap on his expensive headphones, surveilling via secret cameras the black housekeeper he has already sexually assaulted. This is not the limit of his violence. When Sierra, the white stripper with the black booty, rejects his advances, he follows her home and then brutally rapes her. When Alvarez, Sierra’s crush (whom she cannot understand because he speaks no English), returns and finds her violated, he wants to call the police. Sierra stops him: “occupational hazard,” she says. William Livingston III gets away with everything.

Just like Haven Monahan got away with everything.

Rafia Zakaria is an attorney, a political philosopher and the author of The Upstairs Wife: An Intimate History of Pakistan.

@rafiazakaria

 
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From the New York Times:

Chicago, Convulsed by Violence, Confronts Trump’s Twitter Threat

By JULIE BOSMAN JAN. 25, 2017

CHICAGO — President Trump spent part of Tuesday watching television in the White House and firing off a Twitter post aimed at the nation’s third-largest city. “If Chicago doesn’t fix the horrible ‘carnage’ going on,” he wrote, “I will send in the Feds!”

Chicagoans spent Wednesday debating what to make of it. From some corners of the city, the post from Mr. Trump brought indignation.

“He meant locking up more black and brown folks,” said Alderman Carlos Ramirez-Rosa, addressing the City Council here on Wednesday morning. “Just like Republicans, just like right-wingers have always done.”

… And there was some confusion. “The statement is so broad,” Eddie Johnson, the police superintendent, told The Chicago Tribune. “I have no idea what he’s talking about.”

Whatever Mr. Trump’s intention, his message put the city on the defensive once again for its escalating problem of gun violence, which has been mostly concentrated in neighborhoods on the West and South Sides.

Guns flock to those Sides because of the Tragic Dirt, unlike the Magic Dirt on the North Side.

Just this month, 239 people were shot, 40 of them fatally, a police spokesman said Wednesday. In the same period last year, 227 people were shot, 33 fatally. In 2016, there were at least 762 homicides in Chicago, the highest number in two decades, though the per-capita murder rate remains lower than that of some other major cities, including Baltimore and St. Louis.

What could possibly be the common denominator among Chicago, St. Louis, and Baltimore that causes their homicide rate to soar post-Ferguson?

I mean, besides #BlackLiesMurder?

Mr. Trump’s Twitter post on Tuesday echoed one he made on Jan. 2 about Chicago’s murder rate. “If Mayor can’t do it he must ask for Federal help!” he wrote.

The new post landed on the eve of a City Council meeting, where elected officials parsed the president’s statement and his unspecified threat of federal intervention.

“If the president of the United States wants to give us money to help with other crime-fighting improvement methods, we truly welcome that, and we embrace that,” said Alderman Howard Brookins Jr., whose district is on the South Side. “We ask him to send that money tomorrow.” …

Chicago, obviously, has been completely deprived of federal sympathy and funds for the last eight years because the only Chicagoan in the previous Administration was Arne Duncan.

And Rahm Emanuel.

And William Daley.

And Valerie Jarrett.

And Barack Obama.

Earlier this month, in the final days of Barack Obama’s presidency, the Justice Department concluded a sweeping 13-month investigation of the city’s police practices. Its report described a police department whose officers routinely trampled on the civil rights of Chicago residents, especially Latinos and African-Americans.

As opposed to them getting murdered by their fellow Chicago civilians, which is, evidently, a big improvement.

Many officers use excessive force when making arrests or confronting suspects, the report said, and those actions are rarely punished or investigated further by superiors. City officials said they welcomed the report and would pursue a consent decree, even under the Trump administration.

What could Trump possibly be thinking of when he refers to sending the Feds to Chicago? It’s not as if there have ever been any television shows or movies about honest federal agents fighting crime in corrupt Chicago …

 
• Tags: #BlackLiesMurder 
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Commenter Glossy observes:

So far the two biggest symbols of the anti-Trump color revolution are pussy hats and the word “resistance.”

In physics the opposite of resistance is conductance. Its unit is the siemens, which is sometimes represented by an upside-down omega: ℧. It looks like a lucky horseshoe.

Doggy hat

And what else is the opposite of omega, besides the upside-down ohm symbol?

The alpha, aka the God-Emperor.

I’m with the conductance!

℧!

As for pussy hats, what about doggy hats?

Who whom.

 
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From the Toronto Star:

Wrapping Muslims in flags stifles the struggle for equality

Equality does not come from a Muslim woman wearing an American or Canadian flag hijab, but from the unravelling of injustices that these flags represent.

A demonstrator holds up a poster from the “We the People” campaign of artist Shepard Fairey in Berlin, January 21, 2017, one day after the inauguration of U.S. President Donald Trump.

By AZEEZAH KANJI
Thu., Jan. 26, 2017

The drawing of a Muslim woman wearing an American flag as a hijab has become one of the most iconic images of resistance to President Donald Trump, raised on protest signs and shared on social media accounts around the world. The picture is part of artist Shepard Fairey’s “We the People” poster campaign, a series of stylized representations of people demonized by Trump: a Latina woman, a black woman, and the Muslimah draped in stars and stripes.

It is telling that the Muslim figure is the only one depicted by Fairey as parading her patriotism on her body. This is a sign of how deeply the suspicion that Muslims are a foreign enemy force has been ingrained – so that our loyalty must be overtly displayed, worn figuratively on our sleeves if not literally on our heads.

In Canada, too, proclamations of Muslim patriotism have been seen as a way of combatting Islamophobia. Last year, for example, the Canadian-Muslim Vote initiative embarked on a project to erect Canadian flags in front of every mosque in the country.

But the compulsion to swaddle Muslims in flags is not a cure for Islamophobia – in fact, it is one of its symptoms. Instead of acceding to the demand placed on Muslims to profess their loyalty loudly and repeatedly, we should ask why Muslims are required to engage in such exceptional professions of allegiance in the first place.

“The idea of the ‘conspiratorial Muslim’ long preceded [Donald Trump],” notes Kevin Schwartz, research fellow at the Library of Congress and former visiting professor at the United States Naval Academy. “It is the outcome of a staggering array of policies and cultural practices, kept alive by a general complex of power, surveillance, entrapment, and Islamophobic think-tanks that have perpetuated, peddled, and promoted its narration.” (According to a 2016 report by researchers from the University of California, Berkeley and the Council on American-Islamic Relations, 37 groups in the U.S. “whose primary reason for existence is to promote prejudice against or hatred of Islam and Muslims [ . . . ] had at least $119 million in total revenue between 2008 and 2011.”)

The basic idea underlying Islamophobia is the unfair and fallacious assumption that Muslims as a whole should be subject to collective suspicion because of the actions of a few. Like the denunciations of terrorism that Muslim leaders and organizations regularly deliver, ostentatious expressions of Muslim patriotism fail to displace this fundamentally flawed premise.

Exhibitions of flag-wrapping also obscure the oppression and exclusion lying behind the flags.

We should recognize that flags are not only symbols of national pride but are simultaneously symbols of national violence: Canada and the United States were built on the dispossession and genocide of Indigenous peoples, the enslavement of black people, and the exploitation of migrant workers.

The American and Canadian flags may represent rights and freedom and justice on one side – the side that we proudly wave – but they are signs of colonialism and racism and militarism on the other.

This is why NFL quarterback Colin Kaepernick refused to stand for the U.S. national anthem at football games; “I am not going to stand up to show pride in a flag for a country that oppresses black people and people of colour,” he said.

Equality does not come from a Muslim woman wearing an American or Canadian flag hijab, but from the unravelling of injustices that these flags represent.

Azeezah Kanji is a legal analyst and writer based in Toronto.

Other articles by Azeezah Kanji include:

These borders kill: Canada’s lethal immigration system

Being Muslim in Canada: Subverting stereotypes and challenging narratives

Don’t worry, white men. You’re not oppressed yet

A most colonial strategy: Saving Muslim women, demonizing Muslim men

How has “Allah” become code for “terrorism?”

Personally, I blame Ms. Kanji’s hostility toward Canada on Trump. I mean, what else could be the cause?

 
Steve Sailer
About Steve Sailer

Steve Sailer is a journalist, movie critic for Taki's Magazine, VDARE.com columnist, and founder of the Human Biodiversity discussion group for top scientists and public intellectuals.