In Eric Kaufman’s Whiteshift: Populism, Immigration, and the Future of White Majorities, the author asks, “What happens if rural and red-state America is permanently frozen out of power when it considers itself the repository of authentic Americanism?” H.W. Brands’s book, Heirs of the Founders, provides an answer: national disintegration. Mr. Brand’s analysis of what led to secession can help us understand the fateful choices we must make. As in 1860, the Constitution can’t contain what’s about to happen.
Heirs of the Founders describes how divisions between Democrats and Whigs became sectional divisions. Early in his career, John Calhoun allied with the nationalist Henry Clay, but eventually saw that the South had to choose between Union and subjugation. After the 1828 “Tariff of Abominations,” which squeezed Southerners, he championed state nullification of federal law, and became a Southern leader rather than a national one.
The North-South divide even distorted antebellum foreign policy. Some politicians opposed territorial expansion because new territories might strengthen the other faction. Compromises maintained only a fragile unity. After the Whigs collapsed, the antislavery Republican Party won the 1860 election over the divided Democrats and even formerly nationalist Southerners chose secession.
Before the Civil War, some Northern politicians had been anti-nationalists. Many Federalists opposed the Louisiana Purchase because they thought it would expand the territory of their political opponents. New England was so opposed to the War of 1812 that it flirted with secession.
Many Northerners hated the Fugitive Slave Law. At the same time, abolitionist sentiment in the North made Southerners even more loyal to their “peculiar institution.” John Calhoun called slavery a positive good. On July 4, 1854, abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison burned a copy of the Fugitive Slave Law and the United States Constitution, calling the latter “a covenant with death and an agreement with hell.” (It sounds like leftists today.)
Heirs of the Founders recounts the desperate maneuvers of statesmen to avoid catastrophe. They had to get it right every time sectional issues re-emerged. Self-righteousness made this difficult: from moralistic Yankees denouncing the “slave power” to Southerners convinced that lunatic abolitionists wanted to foment a slave uprising like the one in Saint-Domingue (now Haiti).
The Civil War wasn’t fated; it was a product of political miscalculation. Yet a crippling political crisis was inevitable. The system couldn’t protect the interests of the entire country. One section or another had to claim to be America. The North did, the South left, and the war began.
Today, America approaches similarly stark choices. This time, the tinderbox is race, not region, but the crisis will develop along regional lines.
Republicans, the de facto party of whites, seem strong. They hold the White House, the Senate, and, arguably, the Supreme Court. President Trump’s approval rating is the highest it’s ever been. Fifty-four percent of Americans think he will be re-elected. Democrats have lurched sharply left on reparations, immigration, and forced busing.
Meanwhile, in a poll of registered voters, Joe Biden has a 10 percent lead over President Trump. More importantly, the Democrats have a plan to ensure dominance for generations and are putting it into practice:
Eliminate the Electoral College. George W. Bush’s 2004 re-election is the only time since 1988 that a Republican won the national popular vote. Democrats will probably continue to win it.
So far, 14 states have joined the “Popular Vote Compact,” which awards a state’s electoral votes to the winner of the national popular vote. If even one conservative state did this, the Democrats would have a massive advantage.
The conservative argument in favor of the Electoral College is that the United States is a collection of diverse localities, not a unified mass governed by cities. Federalism protects local differences. However, today, state and regional loyalties are less important than racial differences. The way the Electoral College works today, it means Republicans can win national office with a minority of the popular vote so long as they get enough white votes.
Stuart Stevens, a “top strategist” for Mitt Romney’s failed 2012 campaign, said the Electoral College should be eliminated for this very reason: It lets Republicans “win the presidency without substantial non-white support.” He wants a “center-right” party dependent on non-whites.
Bring in new Democrat states. Last week, the Democrat-controlled House held the first hearing on District of Colombia statehood in more than 25 years. More than 200 representatives already support a District statehood bill. In 2016, Hillary Clinton won the District by more than 86 percentage points; the State of DC would have two permanent Democratic senators.
Florida Democrat Darren Soto has introduced a bill for Puerto Rican statehood, with the support of Puerto Rico Governor Ricardo Roselló. Though far fewer congressmen back Puerto Rican statehood, several Republicans inside and outside Congress do, including Senator Rick Scott and Senator Marco Rubio. The GOP platform does too, even though it would mean a political shot in the foot. “Statehood could very possibly mean two more Democrats in the Senate, five more in the House, and seven more blue votes in the Electoral College,” notes Washington Monthly.
It might not end there. Senator Brian Schatz of Hawaii implicitly suggested statehood for Guam and American Samoa, calling for “full representation in Congress.”
Expand the franchise.
- H.R. number one in the new Congress was a bill introduced by black Democrat Ayanna Pressley lowering the voting age to 16. Younger voters lean left, partly because they are more likely to be non-white.
- Many liberals want felons to vote, knowing they will support Democrats. In some states, Democrats have already re-enfranchised felons.
- Non-whites are more likely to lack valid identification, and so don’t vote. Thus, many liberals want automatic voter registration.
Change the electorate via mass immigration. Georgia has nearly tipped. The main battleground is Texas, already almost a blue state. When that happens, no Republican can ever again become president.
“Texas may cost Trump 2020” proclaimed a columnist in The Hill last week. The reason? Demographics.
A powerful combination of demographic forces are propelling Texas from one of the reddest states in the union into a swing state. Democrats will likely make an outside play in Texas ahead of 2020, along with a full run for its projected 41 electoral votes. Texas also stands to gain three seats in Congress after the next census, making it a crucial state for both parties.
Texas demographics today are strikingly similar to those of California in 1990, before Democrats began their seven-to-nothing streak of Golden State victories in presidential races.
From their actions, we know many Republicans understand what’s happening.
- Republicans want to keep the Electoral College.
- Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnel frankly explained why he opposes statehood for D.C. and Puerto Rico: “They plan to make the District of Columbia a state — that’d give them two new Democratic senators — Puerto Rico a state, that would give them two more new Democratic senators.”
- Republicans in Congress voted against lowering the voting age. In red states, Republicans are pushing stricter voting requirements, including criminal penalties for improperly filling out voter registration forms. In Florida, the GOP legislature passed a law to make felons pay all outstanding fines before they can vote again.
- Republicans are defending “gerrymandered” congressional maps in Ohio, North Carolina, and other states.
The Trump Administration is fighting to allow the “citizenship question” on the next census. Potentially, Republicans could use this information to gerrymander districts and reduce Democratic representation in Congress. Democrats claim the question would intimidate immigrants. Nancy Pelosi said President Trump is trying to “Make America White Again,” which is “not what our Founders had in mind.” (She clearly hasn’t heard of the 1790 Naturalization Act.)
Republican consultants and politicians understand the political consequences of demographic change. However, because of cowardice, short term greed, or the foolish belief that they can eventually win non-white votes, Republicans do nothing about mass immigration. Unless Third Worlders are deported and the population trends reversed, Republicans are doomed.
Many Republicans think they’re winning. They think the President will be re-elected and Keep America Great. Demographic change alone will probably ensure his defeat, and Republicans will never get over the shock.
Driven by their extreme base, Democrats will pursue overtly anti-white policies, including reparations, discriminatory financial programs, and more affirmative action, but non-whites will never be satisfied. Whites will be embittered, and conflict will be inevitable. This crisis will come just when America’s global position is precarious.
Potential presidents Kamala Harris and Joe Biden talk tough against Russia, but who will fight their wars? Patriotism is at an all-time low, a decline driven almost entirely by Democrats. Blacks and Hispanics are less patriotic than whites.
In Peter Wilson’s recent history of the Holy Roman Empire, he writes that “an organization is threatened if its symbols lose their meaning, or are challenged.” If that’s true, the country is in trouble. Many people now attack America’s fundamental symbols, including the Founding Fathers, Columbus Day, Mount Rushmore, the flag, Independence Day, Thanksgiving, and the national anthem, because they are “racist.”
Many white advocates have warned about an inevitable “crisis” that never comes. However, unless America is immune from the laws of history, it will. Russia and China are in a cautious alliance against the United States. Within decades, interest on the national debt will be the largest federal expenditure — and that’s before Democrats start splashing out for free medicine, even for illegal immigrants. Change in Europe will thwart American interests: Whether European countries become nationalist or Islamic, they will defy America’s liberal global order.
At the national level, whites will be politically dispossessed very soon, but there will still be enough of us — and in some places we will have enough local dominance — to do something about it. Psychologically, many whites will feel like antebellum Southerners, nationalists shocked by the sudden loss of “their” nation. Though white advocates know this shift has been long coming, to conservatives it will feel like State Conquest.
Unlike during the War Between the States, the American political crisis will come at a time when the United States upholds the global order. Many states and non-states want to upset that order. America no longer has statesman like Webster, Calhoun, or Clay to weather the storm. Whites, the group that could hold the United States together, are also the group the government milks. And unlike whites in Rhodesia, South Africa, or French Algeria, whites in America will have no place to go.
John Calhoun wrote in his Disquisition on Government that “power can only be resisted by power.” Conservatives may trust in the Constitution, but it won’t protect them, especially with Critical Race Theory making its way through law schools and the courts.
One variable is whether the “conservative movement” continues to collaborate with the regime. Its current function is to suppress white opposition, manage the decline, and grift the rubes. Some professional “conservatives,” such as Stuart Stevens, will tell grassroots conservatives that everything is fine. Who will believe them? If 2016 showed us anything, it’s that one ambitious politician can overturn an artificial and out-of-touch opposition. When will “conservatives” realize that everything they claim to love will die without a white majority? In time to help, or will they always be obstacles?
Whether in 2020 or later, whites will become a nation without a state. That’s where we come in. We must constantly attack the “conservative” charade. We will be the voice of our beleaguered nation. We will pursue peaceful solutions. In the vast, multiracial, multilingual, multicultural conglomeration that is emerging, whites deserve a voice in the democratic system, just like any other group.
The alternative is dissolution of the state. If that happens, like our Revolutionary forebears, we will work for a place on this continent that is ours — and exclusively ours. This is exactly what the Founders — and their heirs — would have wanted.