A few things about Brazil and Bolsonaro:
a) contrary to what one would expect, given his military rank as ex-captain, Bolsonaro has never had much sympathy amongst the military, particularly the top brass. In the late eighties-early nineties, he led a movement of junior officers protesting against low wages, something anathema to the very hierarchically conscious Brazilian military. He only escaped court martial and expulsion with dishonour for three reasons: 1) the movement was not directly against the hierarchical command structure, it just bypassed the latter; 2) a whole bunch of other officers would need to be punished and the government as a whole did not want a military crisis on their hands; and 3) Bolsonaro readily agreed to leave the military. Incidentally, there is no doubt that other junior officers who did not leave the military saw their careers suffer. The lack of sympathy remains even today, as the main lesson the Brazilian military learned from the military regime (1964-1985) is that it is better to be the power behind the throne.
b) Whilst the boot-licking cannot be denied, there was a reason for it. There is no tradition of right-wing or conservative ideological thought within the Brazilian elites, except perhaps among the military, who never managed to really propagate it, despite their efforts during the military regime. This does not mean, of course, that there was no conservative thought as such, only that it was marginal and disarticulated. The advent of the internet enabled these disarticulated groups and individuals to network, but the one readily-available body of consistent socially conservative thought was American populist conservatism. The latter was particularly important as one of Bolsonaro’s main bases of support is the Brazilian evangelical pentecostal movement, an off-shoot from American pentecostalism (BTW, Brazil is nominally Catholic, but religious dynamism is found in pentecostalism, which grew from 2% to over 20% of the population from 1970 to 2010). This meant there were clear ideological affinities with Trump’s administration (and, please, I do not mean Trump himself is religious).
In practice, of course, the boot-licking had virtually no practical return, since the US gives nothing back, unless it feels it is absolutely necessary. As Brazil was doing everything it wanted for free, it received nothing in return. Even the expected benefit that the US government would support the Bolsonaro government or at least not actively attempt to undermine it, was not entirely achieved, as the Trump administration’s lack of control over its own bureaucracy and over the mediascape meant there was considerable sabotage and bad press.