“The world is moving towards more diversity, not less diversity. It’s a form of entropy,” Canada’s Liberal Party Prime Minister Justin Trudeau declared last year. “The question is whether you look at that as a threat to your identity, whether it’s a national identity or a corporate identity.” Or to the very existence of Canada, as Monday’s Canadian federal election suggests.
Few believe that notorious birdbrain Trudeau has any idea what “entropy” means (Merriam Webster defines it as “the degradation of the matter and energy in the universe to an ultimate state of inert uniformity). But remember that this is the same man who told the New York Times in 2015 that “There is no core identity, no mainstream in Canada”—a country which, he promised, could become “the world’s first post-national state.”
And also remember that this is a country that, within my lifetime, was convulsed by the Liberal Party’s (successful) drive to replace the Union Jack as Canada’s flag with the current Maple Leaf design because it was (rightly) seen by English-speaking Canadians as part of an institutionalized effort to appease the French-speaking province (= state) of Quebec at the expense of their own identity.
On Monday, Trudeau’s Liberal Party was reduced to a minority government. It will depend on the support of either the post-national social democratic New Democratic Party or the resurgent crypto-separatist Bloc Quebecois. Its will most probably last only a year or two.
The results (note the extraordinary fragmentation of Canada’s electorate):
- Justin Trudeau’s Liberals 157 seats (of a total of 338 in Canada’s Parliament), down 27; popular vote just 33.1%, down 6.4 percentage points. The Liberals, roughly equivalent to U.S. Democrats, are a Leftist party representing the New Class and its various client constituencies, especially recently-imported immigrants; Francophone (Canspeak for French-mother tongue) federal government dependents (often bilingual); some residual Anglophone communities in Quebec (for example in the Gatineau—where Gracefield is named after my Irish immigrant forbears).
- Andrew Scheer’s Conservatives 121 seats, up 22; popular vote 34.4%, up 2.5 percentage points. The Conservatives, roughly equivalent to the GOP, are overwhelmingly anglophone and heavily Western Canadian; plus some socially conservative Francophone Quebecois. Significantly, Scheer is a Catholic.
- Yves-François Blanchet’s Bloc Québécois (Quebec-based and “sovereigntist,” a.k.a. separatists): 32 seats (of 75 contested in Quebec), up 22; 7.7%, up percentage points The Bloc is a crypto-separatist party drawing on Francophone nationalists, many monolingual and non-metropolitan c.f. Trump’s rural support; plus provincial government dependents—Quebec’s provincial government bureaucracy has been in nationalist hands for many years,
- Jagmeet Singh’s New Democratic Party (formerly labor union-based and socialist; now with increasing Social Justice Warrior/ Identity Politics overtones): 24 seats, down 20; 15.9%, down 3.8 percentage points. Heavily Anglophone, except for the freak 2011 election; New Class; immigrants; native peoples. The NDP now competes directly with the Liberals, without the Liberals’ Hillary Clinton-type corporate connections. It is a curiosity that they don’t merge.
- Elizabeth May’s Green Party 3, up 2; 6.5%, up 3 percentage points. Appeals to Social Justice Warrior Ecotopian whites—two of its ridings (=districts) are in Whitopian Vancouver Island.
- Maxime Bernier’s People’s Party (populist libertarian) 0 seats, down 1; 1.6% (292,703 votes). Bernier is an enterprising Francophone political entrepreneur who described himself as “the Albertan from Quebec,” and experimented with immigration patriotism. He actually got 2.2% in Alberta, but lost the Quebec seat he had held as a Conservative before leaving the party, possibly vindicating the Canadian conventional wisdom that Francophones go with winners. Bernier faced total Trump-type hysteria from Canada’s MSM. But new parties start slowly in a parliamentary system, and his party’s vote compares with 2.1% achieved with the insurrectionary Reform Party in 1988, after which it completely displaced the rival Progressive Conservatives in 1993 (alas to no lasting effect).
Justin Trudeau, a man of no known accomplishments except for being the son of Canada-wrecker Pierre Trudeau (Prime Minister from 1968 to 1984), surfed to power in 2015 on a wave on psychosexual hysteria among Canada’s elite, much as his father had done nearly fifty years earlier. Trudeau Senior was also reduced to a minority government in his first attempt at re-election in 1972, and for much the reason as his son this year: Canadians became sick of them both, their arrogance and constant preening for the cameras.
On assuming office, Justin seemed to regard his role as a brand ambassador, dressing in silly costumes, pulling up a pant leg to reveal his daring socks and proclaiming the alleged world-beating virtues of the new “sunny ways” Canada, even as he apologized for its history without end.
His administration was blighted by the SNC-Lavalin scandal, wherein his Minister of Justice was pressured not to criminally prosecute that company for bribery. Not to sound cynical, but this is business as usual in Canada, which is run for the benefit of a handful of corporate oligarchs, such as Power Corp, Bombardier and the McCain and Irving families.
Trudeau’s campaign was also blighted by the revelation that, as a younger man, he had appeared in blackface (or “brownface”) at least three times, notwithstanding his much-touted reputation as an “anti-racist.” This scandal occasioned yet another apology tour (this time it was personal). Otherwise, Trudeau declared himself second to none in his opposition to man’s eternal enemy, carbon, and his campaign resolved (with media help) to Cancel Faith Goldy, while his team worked assiduously to link Goldy, a former Rebel Media reporter who has podcasted for VDARE.com, to Conservative leader Andrew Scheer.
Scheer is also a man of no known accomplishments, first elected as an MP at 25, having been translated from Ottawa to Saskatchewan for that purpose. Scheer’s visage suggests the barely-suppressed glee of a boy who has managed to snatch an extra cookie without his mother noticing. In my day, a teacher would have told him, “Wipe that smirk off your face, or I’ll knock it off for you.”
Scheer’s strategy was what Phyllis Schlafly and other pre-Reagan critics of Establishment Republicanism used to call “me-tooism.” There was little difference between Scheer’s platform and Trudeau’s (with the exception of support for pipelines). [Chris Selley: It’s not Scheer’s fault the Tories lost. Blame the dreck that passed for his platform, Canada.com, October 22, 2019]Scheer also supports the War on Carbon and an annual immigration rate of 350,000 (although the actual total number of annual newcomers has reached 950,000, including students and a vastly-increased number of “temporary workers”). Much like the GOPe in the U.S., Scheer has no apparent problem with the Great Replacement, so long as it is “orderly.” Under a Scheer government, Canada would have prioritized the importation of “gay refugees” and Yazidis (Stone Age devil-worshippers from the Middle East).
If nothing else, this election marked the death of this Canadian Conservatism—which is in fact cuckservatism. Scheer was bedevilled by from start to finish for his alleged failure to properly worship abortion, gay marriage and sodomy. As he revealed in his concession speech, he is so ignorant of this country he believes it enforces equality before the law, despite the “protected classes” enshrined in law, federal affirmative action and the Gladue reports that privilege aboriginal offenders. Like Mitt Romney, Scheer was reduced to paeans to the glory of Muh Free Market and Free Trade Über Alles and came to a similar end. He made no attempt to utilize the Sailer Strategy, even though in 2019, Canadian demographics were more favorable to the Conservatives than America’s were in 2016 to the Republicans.
The NDP Leader, Jagmeet (pronounced Jug-MEET) Singh was once called Jimmy Dhaliwal, but that wasn’t ethnic enough, apparently. He is essentially a Third World colonist like Ilhan Omar. A Sikh nationalist and supporter of an independent ethnic homeland in India to be called Khalistan, he rails against “genocide” in the Punjab and is banned from India as a consequence. (Sikhism evolved in the Middle Ages as a paramilitary religious cult in response to the Moghul invasion of India. Why Canada should host hundreds of thousands of such people, let along allow them to dominate our politics to the extent that Canadian politicians of all parties now routinely campaign for votes in India and Sikhs largely determine our party-leadership campaigns, is a question that is probably illegal to ask in my country.)
With his lurid turbans and ever-flashing bared teeth, Singh’s visage resembles that of a cartoon villain. Like most of the “model minority” elite in Canada, he rails against Canadian “racism” and has declared war on Canadian sovereignty (he literally believes that British Columbia is owned by its indigenous Indians). He styled himself the tribune of “reconciliation” (a.k.a. endless reparations and ongoing surrender). But his NDP Party was reduced to one seat in Quebec, down from 16 in 2015 and 59(!) in 2011. Quebec has turned its back on multiculturalism, as evidenced by the passage this year of Bill 21, which bans provincially-regulated public servants from wearing visible religious symbols—like turbans—and Singh paid the price.
After the BQ was reduced to four seats in 2011, it was eagerly written off by Canadian pundits. Its spectacular comeback proves once again, as VDARE.com Editor Peter Brimelow has been saying at least since the publication of his 1986 analysis of Canadian politics The Patriot Game, that Quebec separatism refuses to die. Speaking on election night, Blanchet thundered that Quebec was indeed a “nation” (it was designated officially as such by the House of Commons in 2006; we maudits Anglais don’t get to be a nation), that the only real Parliament of the Québécois is the provincial Assemblée nationale du Québec in Quebec City and that Quebec “can have all the attributes of sovereignty.” What he meant by that and how he intends to accomplish it remains to be seen.
Maxime Bernier was a francophone Quebec MP who narrowly lost the Conservative leadership to Andrew Scheer in 2017. The electronic voting system was bitterly contested (they always are) and Scheer triumphed only after a one-time ranked vote with 13 candidates. Fewer than 21% of Conservatives voters actually chose Scheer. Bernier quit in disgust and set up his own shop, which was at first hardcore libertarian but then pivoted to anti-multiculturalism. Naturally, Bernier was excoriated as a “white supremacist” or simply ignored by Canada’s Main Stream Media, which now delights in doxxing, deplatforming and condemning all non-approved opinions as “misinformation.” (Trudeau has kept the failing MSM sweet with a $595-million bribe.)
Late in the campaign it was revealed that Scheer’s Conservatives had paid Warren Kinsella, a longtime former Liberal operative (and the only man to have ever sued me, unsuccessfully I should mention) to discredit Bernier as a “Nazi” or whatever, but this was considered by the MSM only to reflect on Scheer and his “ethics” and not on how the elite had always conspired against Bernier and his message.
Justin Trudeau has hailed Canada as “the world’s first post-national state.” But it is better understood as a multinational, multiethnic and multilingual empire containing six distinct regions: the Atlantic Provinces, Quebec, Ontario, the Prairie Provinces, British Columbia and the Arctic.
Due to a feature (or curse) of Confederation called “equalization,” BC, Alberta and Saskatchewan pay the bills for the rest of Canada. Without equalization, Quebec and the Atlantic Provinces would be reduced to penury and depopulation. BC has gas, oil and mining (gold, silver, copper, etc.), Alberta has oil and gas, and Saskatchewan has gas and a burgeoning uranium-mining industry. In other words, Canada’s economic future (indeed, its future as a polity) is dependent on the three Western-most provinces. (Canadian manufacturing survives only because our central bank has intervened to ensure that the Canadian dollar trades at a 31% discount to the U.S. dollar.)
That future is under threat for three reasons.
- First, the elite knows little and cares less about wealth creation.
- Second, the ongoing War on Carbon.
- And, third, the intervention of Canada’s kritarchy, the Supreme Court.
The sovereignty of the Canada people as vested in its elected representatives was usurped by the Supreme Court after the Constitution was “repatriated” in 1982. The Court arrogated to itself the power to “read into” the Constitution and its amusingly-named Charter of Rights whatever it chose. Thus, the Supreme Court instituted abortion on demand, ruled that “hate speech” was not protected speech and legalized both prostitution and physician-assisted murder (a.k.a. euthanasia).
Tellingly, the Conservatives uttered not a squeak about the last two outrages.
Over the last three decades, the Supreme Court has been relitigating the establishment of the Dominion of Canada itself in 1867. Despite having no basis in Section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982, the Court has awarded to Canada’s Indians, Inuit and Métis a vague but overarching “consultation” right over all resource development in the country.
In other words, certainly of title no longer exists in Canada. Mining licenses are now withheld routinely because of Indian claims of psychological damage and the construction of vital new pipelines has come to a standstill, even as tankers have been banned from BC’s north coast.
The oil-price collapse of 2014 was a body-blow to Canada’s resources industry, but worse was to come. Western Canadian oil trades at a crippling discount because it is landlocked. The Keystone XL (Canada to America) pipeline remains stymied, as are the Energy East (Western to Eastern Canada) and the Trans Mountain Expansion (Alberta to BC), despite the last being bought by Ottawa for $4.5 billion).
Needless to say, Western Canadians are furious, and this was reflected in Monday’s vote. Remarkably, the Conservatives actually won the national popular vote, due to supermajorities in Alberta (69.2%) and Saskatchewan (64.3%). Overall, the Conservatives took 51.4% of the Western Canada vote and the Liberals only 20.1%. If not for the immigrant vote (Vancouver, like Toronto, is already majority-minority), the Liberals would have won no more than a handful of seats in BC. (In the end, of the 104 total Western Canadian seats, the Conservatives took 71, with the Liberals and NDP taking 15 each.)
The level of hatred for Albertans entertained by Ontarians and Quebeckers is difficult to overstate. BQ leader Blanchet has made clear that the Energy East pipeline will be built over his dead body, while Singh has said similar of the Trans Mountain expansion. Westerners are considered a bunch of whiners who should count themselves grateful for whatever Ottawa lets them keep.
After Pierre Trudeau returned to power in 1980, his response to the 1979 oil shock was to hammer Alberta with his National Energy Policy, which bankrupted thousands of Alberta companies and ruined tens of thousands of lives. Given that Justin Trudeau has apparently maintained power without single seat in either Alberta or Saskatchewan, and given how much the East despises the West, the temptation for Justin to hammer Alberta again will be irresistible.
Even before this election, support for Alberta separation was at 30% or higher, and afterward the hashtag #Wexit was trending on Twitter[‘Ottawa doesn’t care’: Western separatist movement gains traction as Albertans react to Liberal victory, by Nicole Bogart, CTVNews.ca, October 22, 2019] According to legal precedent, a 50% + 1 vote on a “clear question” is enough for separation. My old friend Jason Kenney, who was elected Alberta Premier earlier this year, will fight it to his last breath, but in doing so, he will risk being swept aside. Anyway, Kenney is a rootless cosmopolite immigrant from Ontario, not an Alberta native. After his victory in May, he called Alberta an “idea.” Sound familiar?
“For a country to be loved, it must be lovable.” So said the English journalist Peregrine Worsthorne. My country was once lovable, but that country can hardly be said to still exist. Canadian identity was destroyed by the assaults of Lester Pearson, Pierre Trudeau and Brian Mulroney. Today, Canada is a corpse savaged by neoliberals, submerged by burdensome and rebarbative foreigners and stripped by rent-seekers. It has no unifying principle save inertia or, as Justin Trudeau would have it, “entropy.”
Even though the secession of Alberta would mean the end of Canada, there is no returning to the past. Estimates put a non-white takeover of Canada happening at 2040 or even earlier. There is no guarantee that the newly-independent constituent parts of Canada would choose to reject suicide. But it would be nice for us to have that choice.
Because make no mistake, without a breakup, our destiny is sealed.