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The recent electoral outcomes in Moldova illustrate the political tensions at play. The pro-EU side narrowly won both the EU referendum and the Presidential election, largely bolstered by votes from the Moldovan diaspora. However, the voting system disenfranchised a significant portion of Moldovans living in Russia, where only two voting stations were provided, each with a limited number of ballots. This exclusion of the Russian diaspora, which comprises a large segment of Moldovans living abroad, skews the electoral results in favor of the pro-EU faction, raising questions about the legitimacy of the electoral processes and the potential manipulation of outcomes by the ruling government.
In Romania, similar patterns of political maneuvering were evident when the Constitutional Court disqualified Călin Georgescu, the frontrunner in the general election, citing his popularity and perceived lack of hostility towards Russia as grounds for disqualification. Georgescu, a respected developmental economist with socially conservative views, faced accusations of soliciting support through social media—a common practice among political candidates. This disqualification reflects a broader trend of judicial interference in the electoral process, aligning with the political objectives of pro-Western factions. Critics argue that these actions undermine democratic principles and illustrate how political elites manipulate the judicial system to eliminate competing viewpoints.
The broader implications of these political dynamics extend beyond Moldova and Romania, as they highlight a troubling trend where democratic processes are compromised by elite interests. The narrative surrounding foreign interference, particularly accusations against Russia, serves as a distraction from the more pervasive issues of domestic manipulation and the erosion of democratic institutions. The author draws parallels between these developments and the ongoing political challenges in countries like Georgia, where the ruling party's recent electoral success has been met with attempts to destabilize the government. The situation in France, where President Macron is accused of ignoring electoral realities, further exemplifies the crisis facing Western democracies. Overall, the text underscores the fragility of democratic institutions in the face of political expediency and the need for genuine accountability in electoral processes.
## I. Introduction
A. Date and event
1. Addressed the United European Left group of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe on October 4.
2. Attended a presentation by Victoria Sanduta, a Moldovan judge.
## II. Context of Victoria Sanduta's Dismissal
A. Background on Victoria Sanduta
1. Former President of the Association of Judges in Moldova.
2. Recently dismissed alongside other judges.
B. Political nature of the vetting process
1. Conducted by a committee set up by the President.
2. Aimed to remove judges not aligned with Western ideologies.
C. Motivation behind the dismissals
1. Targeting judges who might question the legitimacy of an upcoming EU referendum and Presidential election.
2. Sanduta’s dismissal was not due to judicial misconduct but political alignment.
## III. Overview of Recent Elections in Moldova
A. Results of the EU referendum and Presidential election
1. EU referendum passed with 50.34% in favor.
2. Presidential election won by pro-EU President Sandu with 55.35% of the vote.
B. Voting dynamics
1. Pro-Western side lost significantly among domestic voters.
2. Success attributed to support from the Moldovan diaspora.
C. Disparities in voting opportunities
1. 235 overseas voting stations primarily in the EU.
2. Only two stations in Russia, where a significant portion of the diaspora resides.
## IV. Disenfranchisement of Moldovan Diaspora in Russia
A. Limitations on voting in Russia
1. Only 5,000 ballots available at each of the two Moscow stations.
2. Approximately half a million Moldovans in Russia were denied a vote.
B. Impact of diaspora voting
1. 328,855 Moldovans abroad participated, with 9,998 from Russia.
2. Majority of overseas votes favored EU membership and President Sandu.
C. Consequences of unequal voting
1. If diaspora votes from Russia were counted equally, outcomes could have differed significantly.
2. Sandu's actions ensured no judicial challenges to the election results.
## V. Political Climate in Romania
A. Disqualification of Călin Georgescu
1. Popular frontrunner in Romanian general election disqualified by pro-Western judges.
2. Accusations against Georgescu include a lack of Russophobia and social media campaigning.
B. Misrepresentation of Georgescu
1. Portrayed inaccurately in Western media as an extreme far-right figure.
2. Actual background as a developmental economist and former UN Special Rapporteur.
C. Questionable judicial actions
1. Disqualification seen as disproportionate and politically motivated.
2. Accusations based on standard campaigning tactics, akin to previous Western political scandals.
## VI. Broader Implications of Election Interference
A. Hypocrisy in accusations of foreign influence
1. All countries, including Western powers, engage in influencing foreign elections.
2. Personal experiences of influencing elections shared by the speaker.
B. Comparison to other forms of political influence
1. The role of the Israeli lobby in global politics viewed as more detrimental than Russian interference.
C. Questioning the integrity of judicial processes
1. Concerns over how judges are selected to ensure desired political outcomes.
2. Reference to ongoing regime change efforts in Georgia.
## VII. Commentary on Western Democracy
A. Current state of Western political systems
1. Allegations of inadequacies in democratic processes.
2. Critique of Macron's refusal to acknowledge electoral losses.
B. Erosion of international law
1. Connection to the geopolitical situation in Gaza.
2. Perceived abandonment of democratic ideals by Western politicians.
## VIII. Conclusion
A. Summary of key points
1. Political manipulation in Moldova and Romania raises concerns about democratic integrity.
2. Disenfranchisement of voters highlights issues within electoral systems.
B. Reflection on the future
1. Ongoing struggles for democracy and justice in Eastern Europe.
2. The necessity for vigilance against political corruption and manipulation in electoral processes.
On 4 October I spoke to a meeting of the United European Left group of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe. Arriving a bit early, I sat through a presentation by a Moldovan judge, Victoria Sanduta, who was formerly the President of the Association of Judges in Moldova.
She had recently been dismissed, along with other judges, after investigation by a committee set up by the President to vet judges. She said the “vetting” was openly political, and the purpose was to remove any judges who were not “Western-oriented” and who might query the process in a forthcoming EU referendum and Presidential election.
You might think that this was an operation to clear out legacy judges hanging on since the days of the Iron Curtain. It was not; Victoria Sanduta is quite young. There had been no criticism of her judicial decisions. Her fault was that she was suspected of not supporting the President and lacking “Western orientation”.
Both the EU referendum and Presidential election were remarkably close. The EU referendum was “won” by the pro-EU side with 50.34% of the vote. The Presidential election was “won” by pro-EU President Sandu with 55.35% of the vote.
In both elections, the pro-Western side lost substantially on the votes of those living in Moldova, but won with the addition of hundreds of thousands of votes from the diaspora overseas.
There were 235 overseas voting stations in countries outside of Moldova, the large majority within the EU. There were however only two voting stations in Russia – the country where the majority of the Moldovan diaspora live, over half a million of them. Those voting stations (both in Moscow) were provided with only 5,000 ballot papers each. The official justification for this is that that’s the number of Moldovans living in Moscow itself, the majority being in the south of Russia.
As a result, approximately half a million Moldovans living in Russia were disenfranchised, while hundreds of thousands living in the EU voted.
In total 328,855 Moldovans living outside Moldova voted. Only 9,998 of those were in Russia, where most of the diaspora live.
Almost 300,000 of the permitted diaspora votes were for joining the EU – won with a majority of 10,555 – and for President Sandu – majority 179,309. If votes from the diaspora in Russia had been permitted on an equal footing with votes from the diaspora in the West, the EU would certainly have lost and Sandu would very probably have lost.
It was therefore very useful that Sandu sacked any judge who might entertain a challenge to the outcome.
This naturally recurred to me when I saw that pro-Western judges had disqualified the frontrunner in the neighbouring Romanian general election on the grounds of not being a Russophobe and being popular, which is an offence.
Călin Georgescu is not a supporter of the war in Ukraine. His socially conservative views are popular in Romania but are not EU-friendly. However he is absolutely not the far-right nutter he has been portrayed as across the Western media.
In fact Georgescu is a highly regarded developmental economist and a former United Nations Special Rapporteur. His expertise is in sustainable development, and he is one of those who wishes nations to move away from use of the US dollar as the primary medium of trade.
Georgescu has some views with which I agree and some with which I do not, but that is not the point. He won the first round of the Romanian Presidential Elections with a clear lead, and the decision of the judges of the Constitutional Court to disqualify him is clearly wrong and disproportionate.
The main offence he is accused of is sending lines to take to supporters and asking them to post these on social media. But almost every election candidate in the world nowadays does exactly this. It is further claimed that some of his supporters were paid by Russia, and the Constitutional Court was given evidence which originated from “Western security services” of Russian online campaigning for him.
Note the accusation here is not vote-rigging or electoral fraud. The accusation is of people saying things online to try to persuade voters to vote.
Which is what an election is.
It is the same as the Cambridge Analytica scandal which was so hysterically hyped by the Guardian and their deranged Russophobe Carole Cadwalladr (friend of Christopher Steele, author of the famous fabricated Trump “pee dossier”). There was a scandal, which was that Facebook was selling clients’ personal data to enable better targeting of political adverts.
But Cambridge Analytica was never Russian-funded, and the notion that some Facebook posts, among the massive sea of advertising and campaigning of every kind, had swung the Brexit vote is nonsense clung to by losers who cannot get over being defeated.
Targeted advertising, and the sale of your online data, is a horrible, everyday feature of modern life. All political parties and all causes use it nowadays.
I have no doubt Russia does interfere to try to influence elections overseas. So does every major country. I did it myself for the UK – unsuccessfully in Poland when Kwaśniewski was elected and successfully in Ghana when Kufuor was elected. The EU and Western powers fund NGOs and fund journalists all over the world to sway opinion, openly, and covertly Western security services fund “agents of influence”. Let me say it again. I have done it personally.
However it becomes somehow uniquely wrong when Russia does it.
That is not even to mention the absolutely massive role of the Israeli lobby in buying political influence all over the world. That is a far greater threat to democracy than Russia ever is.
I don’t know how Romania’s judges were curated to get the right result, as they were in Moldova, or how they were forced or bribed to change their original decision not to annul the election, just four days later.
I do know that regime change propaganda is in full swing in Georgia, where again the “wrong” party, insufficiently hostile to Russia, had the temerity to win the election. The French President of Georgia is hanging on. Not even large sums of CIA money nor funds channelled through CIA NGOs, nor beautifully printed English language placards, have been able to get enough people out on the streets to make the “colour revolution” demonstrations look convincing.
Meanwhile back in France, Macron refuses to accept he lost the election and insists on appointing a series of right-wing ministers that cannot possibly get support in the National Assembly.
The pretence of Western Democracy is falling apart, just as the pretence of international law is falling apart, abandoned by the Zionist-bought politicians in their desire to further the genocide and annexation of Gaza.

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