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Islamophobia

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As Orwell pointed out in the Newspeak Appendix to 1984, for more lucid, more useful thought, it’s helpful to have a broader arsenal of conceptual categories.

For example, my impression is that there has been an uptick over the last five decades or so in American history of what I would call “kamikaze killers.” These are guys who try to kill a lot of people and, a key element, who don’t really have a plan or hope for getting away with it. Some are mass shooters, some are suicide bombers, others are plane hijackers like 9/11, and so forth.

They want to go out with a bang and don’t care if they blow themselves up, are killed by cops, go to prison for life or the death chamber. As Machiavelli said in The Prince about assassins, this makes them hard to stop.

No doubt kamikaze killers always existed in small numbers, but they didn’t impinge much on the cultural consciousness until the Texas bell tower shooting by a man with a brain tumor in the mid-1960s.

This conceptual category — kamikaze killer — can be useful in thinking more clearly about the more general social problem of homicide.

For example, kamikaze killers are distinct from another concept that also has emerged since the 1960s, serial killers, who kill one or two people at a time and try hard not to get caught so they can carry on their murders.

The number of serial killers, according to baseball statistician Bill James, shot up as the social revolution of the late 1960s liberated all sorts of urges. They were so rare before the mid-1960s that most cops long resisted the concept of a category called “serial killer” who murders strangers one at a time. Cops were taught that victims almost always knew their murderers, so they refused to think about serial killers. James even claims that cops didn’t finally come around en masse and agree with the public that “serial killers” were a thing until Ted Bundy around 1980.

But serial killers appear to be in decline in the 2000s. Perhaps a study of what we’ve been doing right about serial killers would offer clues as to how we could better prevent kamikaze killers (keeping in mind that they are very different).

One factor that likely makes kamikaze killers more common these days than before the 1960s-1970s is that those of Christian ethnicity less fear being punished in Hell than in the past, while those of Muslim faith (who were vanishingly rare in America fifty years ago) expect to be rewarded in Heaven.

In this century in America, the death toll from Muslim kamikaze killers (well over 3,000 and counting) is vastly higher than from all other ethnicities of kamikaze killers. The per capita ratio of the death toll attributable to Muslims versus non-Muslims is sky high. So this has obvious implications for crafting intelligent immigration and visa policies. Moreover, we need an ideological change: the cognitive disorder of Islamophobiaphobia — fear of being accused of being fearful of Muslims — needs to become widely known and derided.

But the problem of non-Muslim kamikaze killers, while much smaller, also deserves attention.

 
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Nuance

From the NYT:

A Close Look at Brussels Offers a More Nuanced View of Radicalization
By ANDREW HIGGINS APRIL 19, 2016

BRUSSELS — Around the world, this city of great, if often ramshackle, charm has become Exhibit A in the case against immigration, particularly when it involves large numbers of Muslims.

I was in Brussels in 1994. It didn’t seem “ramshackle” then.

Donald J. Trump called the Belgian capital “a hellhole” while Lubomir Zaoralek, the foreign minister of the Czech Republic, recently cited the city to explain why his and other Eastern European countries had steadfastly resisted a plan by the European Union to spread Syrian and other Muslim refugees around the Continent under a quota system.

“All the people in the Czech Republic and in other countries see what happened in Molenbeek,” he told a security conference in Slovakia over the weekend, referring to the Brussels borough where many of those involved in the attacks in Paris on Nov. 13 and in Brussels on March 22 grew up.

A closer look at what has happened in Molenbeek and other heavily immigrant parts of Brussels, however, provides a far more nuanced picture than just a generation of badly integrated young Muslim immigrants running amok. In some ways, it debunks the view that Islam is a one-size-fits-all faith that fuels terrorism.

It is true that all those so far identified in connection with the Paris and Brussels carnage were young Muslims from immigrant families.

Indeed.

But that’s so un-nuanced.

But a more significant marker than their faith was their shared origin in North Africa, especially Morocco. None was from Brussels’ large community of Turks, who share the same religion and the same discrimination, as well as other hardships that are often cited as a root cause of jihadist rage against the West.

Of course, for most of 80 years, from 1922, when Mustafa Kemal drove out the Greeks, until 2002, when Erdogan came to power, the Turkish government was stridently Islamophobic.

Brussels first became a magnet for Muslim immigrants in the 1960s, when the Belgian government eagerly invited workers from Morocco and Turkey to move to Belgium to take jobs in factories and mines. …

Together, Belgians of Moroccan and Turkish origin today account for the vast majority of the capital city’s Muslim population, and both groups are heir to a fairly relaxed form of Islam that has none of the reactionary dogmatism of Saudi Arabia and some other Arab states.

So how was it that some Moroccans became so angry, alienated and, in some cases, radicalized? “There is a malaise within the community of Moroccan origin,” the mayor of Molenbeek, Françoise Schepmans, said, dismissing arguments that terrorism is a byproduct of religious faith.

Left-wing politicians and community leaders, she said, had missed and amplified the trouble brewing in Molenbeek by treating young Belgian-Moroccans as victims who had no chance of succeeding. “There is a strong sentiment of victimhood,” she said, noting that “Turks have also endured discrimination but there is a force in their community.”

Much of this force comes from the Turkish state, which controls many of the mosques attended by Belgian-Turks and keeps a close eye on potentially wayward elements in the community through a well-established network of local leaders and imams who are trained in Turkey and then sent to Belgium at the government’s expense. …

In contrast to Belgium’s Turks, the Moroccan community is far more divided and resistant to authority, in part because many of the early immigrants came from the Rif, a rebellious Berber-speaking region often at odds with the ruling monarchy in Morocco. “When emigration to Europe started, the king was happy to get rid of these people,” said Bachir M’Rabet, a youth worker of Moroccan descent in Molenbeek.

It’s much like what Donald Trump said when announcing his Presidential candidacy last June: Mexico’s rich ruling class is dumping their unwanted, inconvenient people on America. Of course that was the worse thing that anybody ever said, at least until the next million things Trump said.

Another source of anger in his community, he added, is that many Turks often speak poor French and no Dutch, Belgium’s two main languages, and cling to their Turkish identity, while most Moroccans speak fluent French and aspire to be accepted fully as Belgians. This, he said, means that many Moroccans feel discrimination more acutely and, at least in the case of young men on the margins, tend to view even minor slights as proof that the entire system is against them.

Philippe Moureaux, who served for two decades as Molenbeek’s mayor, described this as “the paradox of integration.” A less-integrated Turkish community has resisted the promise of redemption through jihad offered by radical zealots. Yet, a Moroccan community that is more at home in French-speaking Brussels has seen some of its young fall prey to recruiters like Khalid Zerkani, a Moroccan-born petty criminal who became the Islamic State’s point man in Molenbeek.

“The Turks suffer much less from an identity crisis,” Mr. Moureaux said. “They are proud to be Turks and are much less tempted by extremism.”

Suspicion of and hostility toward authority, particularly the police force, run so deep among some North African immigrants in Molenbeek that when the police mobilized in the area this month to prevent a group of anti-immigrant right-wing hooligans from staging a rally, local youths, mostly young men of Moroccan descent, began hurling abuse and objects at the police.

Molenbeek immigrants of Turkish or other backgrounds generally have a less hostile view of the police. A Turkish shopkeeper who runs a general store near the police station said he feared not the police but aggressive North African youths who accuse him of being a bad Muslim because he sells alcohol. He noted that the youths steal, which is also forbidden.

But then this Turkish shopkeeper is clearly an Islamophobe prone to stereotyping. Or something. It’s confusing, but I’ve been to college so I’m not going to worry about these contradictory facts. I’m well educated so I know that it’s just all the fault of white men. As you should know too if you had nuanced views.

 
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