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“The civilization that we as whites created in Europe and America could not have developed apart from the genetic endowments of the creating people.”

— Samuel Francis

American Renaissance Conference, May 1994

“In sum, the diminution and rupture of the human family and the rise of identity politics are not only happening at the same time. They cannot be understood apart from one another.”

— Mary Eberstadt, Primal Screams

It was sheer coincidence, which of course does not exist in the mind of God, that allowed me to take part in this year’s Arbaeen march organized largely by Iraqi Shi’a in Dearborn, Michigan. My opportunity to go on the real Arbaeen pilgrimage from Najaf to Karbala in Iraq to mourn the death of Hussein ibn Ali at the hands of the wicked Khalif Yazid had been thwarted by an unexpected surgery three years ago. Participating in the American replication of that march was more interesting from a sociological point of view because it allowed me to ponder one of the fundamental pillars of ethnic life in America, namely, the Triple Melting Pot. For those who are unaware of its existence, the Triple Melting Pot is “a metaphor that describes a pattern of assimilation in which various nationality groups merge through intermarriage, but with a strong tendency to do so within the three major religious groupings: Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish.” The Triple Melting Pot argues that “as immigrants assimilated into American culture, religious boundaries would replace ethnic boundaries as the main point of differentiation among people of European descent in the United States.”

In spite of the claim in the Pledge of Allegiance that we are “one nation under God,” America is a country of three nations or ethnic groups under God based on three religions, Protestant, Catholic, and Jew. Religion, in other words, is the source of ethnic identity in America. According to Will Herberg, the most famous popularizer of the Triple Melting Pot concept, America demanded that immigrants learn how to speak English “from the very beginning,” but “we did not really expect a man to change his faith,” because “almost from the beginning, the structure of American society presupposed diversity and substantial equality of religious associations.” Religion supplied the identity which was missing after the third generation lost its immigrant grandparents’ language. Unlike the foreign language which separated immigrants from their new American neighbors, “the old ethnic religion” was:

both genuinely American and a familiar principle of group identification. The connection with the family religion had never been completely broken, and to religion, therefore, the men and women of the third generation now began to turn to define their place in American society in a way that would sustain their Americanness and yet confirm the tie that bound them to their forebears, whom they now no longer had any reason to reject, whom indeed, for the sake of a “heritage,” they now wanted to “remember.” Thus “religion became the focal point of ethnic affiliations.… Through its institutions, the church supplied a place where children could learn what they were.…”

Herberg based his understanding of the Triple Melting Pot on an article by Ruby Jo Kennedy which appeared in the January 1944 issue of the American Journal of Sociology under the title “Single or Triple Melting Pot?” That article analyzed marriage patterns among large nationality groups in New Haven, Connecticut and found that “while strict ethnic endogamy is loosening, religious endogamy is persisting.” Catholics, Kennedy discovered:

married Catholics in 95.35% of the cases in 1870, 85.78% in 1900, 82.05% in 1930, and 83.71% in 1940; members of Protestant stocks married Protestants in 99.11% of the cases in 1870, 90.86% in 1900, 78.19% in 1930, and 79.72% in 1940; Jews married Jews in 100% of the cases in 1870, 98.82% in 1900, 97.01% 1930, and 94.32% in 1940.

After reviewing the data, Kennedy concluded that: “The traditional ‘single melting pot’ idea must be abandoned, and a new conception, which we term the ‘triple melting pot’ theory of American assimilation, will take its place, as the true expression of what is happening to the various nationality groups in the United States” and that this division “seems likely to characterize American society in the future.” After three generations in America, when the grandchildren of the first wave of immigration had lost the language of its forebears, the religious community becomes the “over-all medium” in which “remaining ethnic concerns are preserved, redefined and given appropriate expression.” Being a generic American wasn’t enough. Ethnic identity was essential because it answered the basic question: Who am I? Herberg points out that:

When an American asks of a new family in town, “What does he do?”, he means the occupation or profession of the head of the family, which helps define its social-class status. But when today he asks, “What are they?”, he means to what religious community do they belong, and the answer is in such terms as: “They’re Catholic (or Protestant, or Jewish).” A century or even half a century ago, the question, “What are they?”, would have been answered in terms of ethnic-immigrant origin: “They’re Irish (or Germans, or Italians, or Jews).”

This means that those who lack religious affiliation in America lack identity. As Herberg puts it: “Unless one is either a Protestant, or a Catholic, or a Jew, one is a “nothing”; to be a “something,” to have a name, one must identify oneself to oneself, and be identified by others, as belonging to one or another of the three great religious communities in which the American people are divided.”

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Will Herberg died on March 26, 1977, long before Muslim immigration became a significant issue in American life, largely thanks to the 1965 Immigration Bill proposed by New York’s Jewish Senator Jacob Javits. The intention of the bill was to dilute European ethnicity, but the Jewish intervention into immigration also denied Muslims a place in the Triple Melting Pot. Herberg is adamant in insisting that “in order to be ‘something’ one must be either a Protestant, a Catholic, or a Jew” in a negative sense which excluded Muslims. Jews had a place at the table, but the church played the main role in “identity politics” in the 1950s, because “the church supplies a place where children come to learn what they are.”

Ten years ago, I attempted to make this point at a memorial service for the paleo-conservative thinker Sam Francis when I claimed that the culture wars weren’t fought along racial lines, but they were fought along ethnic lines. Sam and I were both “white,” whatever that meant, but we belonged to two different ethnic groups because ethnicity in America is based on religion. I then brought up the Triple Melting Pot and claimed that America far from being some unified nation inhabited by generic Americans turns out to be a lot like the former Yugoslavia, a country made up of three ethnic groups based on three religions, each engaged in a form of long-standing covert (and in Yugoslavia, oftentimes overt) warfare against each other. As I attempted to show in my book The Slaughter of Cities, one of the most common forms of warfare in both America and Yugoslavia involves ethnic cleansing.

I bring up the connection between Sam Francis and the Triple Melting Pot now because the posthumous publication of his book Leviathan and its Enemies has sparked renewed interest in his writings. Francis, according to an article by Matthew Rose in First Things:

 
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The conventional narrative on climate change got a new lease on life when Greta Thunberg, the 16-year-old Swedish environmental activist, arrived in New York to address the United Nations General Assembly in September. As if to lend heightened drama to her entrance, Greta arrived from her native Sweden not by plane but by sail boat, crossing the Atlantic at the height of hurricane season with her father to lessen their carbon footprint. The fact that the sailboat was in fact one of the Rothschild family’s racing yachts came out only after the fact, as did the fact that the entire crew along with Greta and her father were scheduled to fly back to Sweden after their stay in America, but these inconvenient truths exposing who was behind the agenda did little to diminish the drama surrounding her arrival.2

The main-stream media greeted Greta as the child Messiah of climate change. Influenced by all of the hype emanating from New York, the Church of Sweden, which was the state church until it got disestablished in 2000, re-tweeted their “Announcement!” of December 1, 2018, declaring that “Jesus of Nazareth has now appointed one of his successors, Greta Thunberg.”3

The Swedes had a long history of turning climate change into a sacred cause. In an article which dismissed the climate change hysteria surrounding Thunberg’s visit as a moral panic, retired MIT climatologist Richard Lindzen mentioned the crucial role which Swedes like Olaf Palme, the father of Swedish social engineering, played as early as the 1970s, when he served on the board of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change.4 It was the IPCC’s predictions about carbon dioxide which played a crucial role in converting Greta’s mother to the climate change cause. Or as she put it:

Around 30 years ago, James Hansen stood before the US congress and explained why global warming wasn’t a myth. “We can say with 99 percent certainty that global warming is not caused by natural variations but rather by human releasing CO2 and other greenhouse gasses into the atmosphere.” He declared on June 23, 1988.5

Missing from Ernman’s account is the fact that Gavin Schmidt:

Jim Hansen’s successor at NASA’s New York shop, GISS, has remarked that “general statements about extremes are almost nowhere to be found in the literature but seem to abound in the popular media.” He went on to say that it takes only a few seconds’ thought to realise that the popular perceptions that “global warming means all extremes have to increase all the time” is “nonsense.”6

Henrik Palmgren, founder and editor of Red Ice, documented Greta’s connection to Swedish political circles, calling her “a manufactured asset constructed by the very elites she claims to be fighting.”7 Her fame comes from the fact that she organized a school strike for climate on August 20, 2018, all by herself, or at least that was how it was portrayed in the main stream media. Missing from that account was any mention of Ingmar Rentzhog, director of the organization known as Climate Change: We Don’t Have Time, who just happened to be walking by the Swedish Parliament on the morning of August 20, 2018 and just happened to bump into Greta.8 Rentzhog was a graduate of Al Gore’s Climate Reality Project, who shared the stage at the Climate Parliament with Melania Ernman, who just happened to be Greta’s mother. Rentzhog had been informed of Greta’s protest a week before by another Swedish climate activist. Far from being a loner, Greta was the flower of what Henrik called “an incestuous circle of energy sector social democrats,” in addition to being the product of four generations of social engineering in Sweden.

She was also—perhaps because of that fact—mentally ill, a fact which prompted Fox News commentator Michael Knowles to claim that “the climate hysteria movement is not about science.” If it were about science, Knowles continued, “it would be led by scientists rather than by politicians and a mentally ill Swedish child who is being exploited by her parents and by the international left.”9 Knowles’ claim prompted a “visceral reaction” from liberal pundit Christopher Hahn, who abandoned his role as commentator and became instead a defender of the conventional climate narrative by portraying Knowles’ as “a grown man . . . attacking a child.”

“Shame on you, skinny boy,” Hahn shouted at Knowles. “She’s trying to save the planet because your president doesn’t believe in climate change. You are despicable for talking about her like that on national television and you should apologize to her right now.”

Fox News spared Knowles the effort by apologizing for him. In a statement to The Daily Beast, a spokesman for Fox News said, “The comment made by Michael Knowles who was a guest on The Story onight was disgraceful—we apologize to Greta Thunberg and to our viewers.”10 Fox News later told The Hollywood Reporter’s Jeremy Barr that it has no plans to book Knowles again as a guest.11

[…]

This is just an excerpt from Culture Wars Magazine, not the full article. To continue reading, purchase the November, 2019 edition of Culture Wars Magazine.

 
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“Most philosophers, rightly or wrongly, believe that philosophy . . . can give us knowledge, not otherwise attainable, concerning the universe as a whole and concerning the nature of ultimate reality.”[1]

At the beginning of 2015, I spent six weeks traveling through India. The Catholics are a tiny minority in a sea of over one billion people, most of whom are Hindu. But they have a significant cultural asset. They have established a network of schools which are the best in India. Because of that fact, 80 percent of the students attending those schools are Hindus. I met one of those students at a Catholic school I visited in Delhi. After I gave a short talk to an English class of 16 year olds, a Hindu teenager by the name of Samil stood up and asked if I could come up with a scientific proof for the existence of God.

He asked this question because he lived in a culture which had lots of religion and lots of science, but no coherent explanation of how the one related to the other. I discovered this during a trip to Mumbai where my guide, Fr. Cyril Fernandes (who had founded four Catholic schools himself), took me to that city’s temple of Ganisha. Fr. Cyril assures me that it’s famous, and if the crowd is any indication, what he said must be true. To get in you have to take your shoes off and get in line with the worshippers. Before we got to the big attraction, we had to pass by two big silver mice. The Hindus approach them with garlands which they put around the mice’s necks. One man placed what looked like a saddle blanket or doily over a mouse’s back, bent down and whispered his prayers, which is to say his requests, into the mouse’s ear. The mouse is then supposed to scamper off and tell God what he just heard. So, instead of, “From your mouth to God’s ear,” it’s “From your mouth to the mouse’s ear to God’s ear.” His wife and children then did the same.

The main show was a bit disappointing after that. The idol of Ganisha, the chubby fellow with the elephant’s head, was gold with a silver background, but disappointingly small, especially after I saw the three-story tall monkey god Hanuman in Delhi. The Hindu priest was bare-chested but wearing a saffron skirt. After taking the pilgrims’ offerings, he gave half of them back as a sort of quid pro quo.

After visiting Ganisha’s temple, we went directly to the Nehru Science Center, something like the Museum of Science and Industry in Chicago or the Franklin Institute in Philadelphia. As we stood in line to get in, I contemplated a mural just inside the front door entitled “Cosmic Evolution,” which attempted to portray the history of the cosmos from the Big Bang to the present. The passive voice abounded. At the beginning of absolutely everything, we were told, “Atoms formed.” The extensive use of the passive voice in the mural was a dead giveaway to the fact that “cosmic evolution” was another word for an attack on causality. To say that “Atoms formed” was the scientific equivalent to saying, “Shit happens.” The shit in question, according to the Nehru Science Center’s cosmology, had uncanny similarities to the traditional Hindu cosmology, symbolized by the image of the earth resting on the back of an elephant and an elephant standing on a turtle. From that point on, it’s turtles all the way down for both Nehru and Ganeesh.

The juxtaposition of the Hindu Temple and the Nehru Science Center on the Mumbai bus tour was instructive. The fact that India has gone from worshipping elephants, monkeys, and cobras to worshipping science, with no metaphysical experience in between, reminded me that G. B. Shaw described America as “a country that went from barbarism to decadence without finding civilization along the way.” So, India seems destined to become a country of cobra worshipping computer programmers. The Catholics could make a significant contribution through their educational system, but they seem disinclined to push the issue at the moment, perhaps because of India’s penchant for syncretism, perhaps because of the rise of Hindu nationalism and the forced conversions they are orchestrating among India’s Christians, or perhaps out of fear of losing their schools. During the course of my trip, I had a long philosophical discussion with another Catholic priest about Hindu philosophy. He says the Hindu concept of Maya, the world as a veil of illusion, is similar to Plato’s idea of the world of becoming, which is incomprehensible, as opposed to the forms or the world of being which is transcendent. Similarly, the Hindu concept neti neti—not this, not that—is not unlike the via negativa of the mystics.

I’m sure there are similarities, but in spite of them India is the land of 33 million gods where Logos died a long time ago. So, I was not surprised when Samil asked me to prove the existence of God, which I did in the following way: Nothing comes from nothing; there is something; therefore, there was never nothing. This something could not bring itself into existence, because to do that it would have to exist before it existed, which is impossible. Therefore, something else had to bring it into existence. That something is what Aristotle called the uncaused cause and the unmoved mover. Aquinas ends his proofs for the existence of God by saying that this being all men call God. There was a moment of stunned silence (or incomprehension), and then Samil asked me if time travel were possible and I said, “Of course, I’ve come from the future. The sexual revolution that America experienced in the ‘60s is happening in India now.” More stunned silence.

One of the best-known expositors of the dichotomy between religion and science in the English-speaking world was Bertrand Russell. Russell believed in an “ultimate reality” and he believed that he could know it and convey it to his readers because he was a philosopher, and “most philosophers, rightly or wrongly, believe that philosophy . . . can give us knowledge, not otherwise attainable, concerning the universe as a whole and concerning the nature of ultimate reality.”[2] Russell’s publisher felt the same way. On the frontispiece to An Outline of Philosophy, we read:

Throughout the book Russell attempts to reveal the sort of world in which, according to modern science, we really live and just how it differs from the world in which we seem to live. He makes clear the effect of modern scientific advance which has transformed our concept of the world; in this book the new world is presented with great clarity.[3]

 
• Category: Ideology • Tags: Philosophy, Religion and Philosophy 
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Midsommar is an overly long, ultimately incoherent American horror film set in Sweden. It is the fruit of cross-cultural collaboration. Ari Aster, the film’s director, is a Jew from New York City who was born in 1986 and grew up fascinated with horror movies. Aster felt the film was personally cathartic because it allowed him to combine fascination with the horror genre with the experience of breaking up with his girlfriend, which felt “apocalyptic, like the world is ending.” So, from Aster’s perspective, Midsommar is “a perverse wish fulfillment fantasy,” in which sex leads to horror. Aster is, however, quick to add: “Nobody in the movie is a surrogate for my ex-girlfriend. It’s not like this is what I want to do to my ex, but there is a feeling of you want to set fire to that part of yourself and that part of your life and move on clean because it’s so painful.”

The key to understanding the incoherence is the name given to the main character, whose name is “Christian.” The name is pregnant with significance, but ultimately incomprehensible given the way the director handles it. Aster’s explication of his use of the name in Midsommar is no better than his dramatization in the film. “Christian and his friends,” according to Aster, are unaware that “they’re all walking into a folk horror movie and that’s what the movie is going to be for them. But for [Christian’s girlfriend] Dani, by the end it’ll be revealed that in fact the movie is a fairy tale only for her.”

Don’t feel bad if you’re still in the dark because the movie makes no sense of the term either. “Christian” is one of a group of 20-something anthropology students who talk a lot about sex and take a lot of dope, but his behavior isn’t remotely Christian, not even in the hypocritical sense so beloved by Jewish movie directors. Christian’s friends spend most of the beginning of Midsommar trying to convince him to break up with his girlfriend Dani. Christian and his buddies live in a clearly post-Christian world, so post-Christian in fact that the only remnant of what this film is really about is the protagonist’s first name. The main character is Christian in name only; his name has nothing to do with his behavior. He is not an authority figure; he is a grad student in anthropology who has “no idea what his thesis is.”[2]

The film begins with scenes of Swedish woods in Haelsingland in winter and then cuts to a house in suburban Minnesota. “The neighborhood is very quiet,” but Dani, a grad student in Brooklyn, is worried about her family, after she gets a dark e-mail message from her sister, who writes: “I can’t anymore – everything’s black – mom and dad are coming too. Goodbye.” Worried that something bad is about to happen, Dani calls her boyfriend, “Christian,” who announces that he “just smoked some resin,” introducing the drug-use theme that will continue throughout the rest of the film. Christian is unavailable emotionally at Dani’s time of need.

“Christian” manifests this lack of concern for both Dani and her emotionally needy sister, whose imminent suicide, which involves the murder of her parents as well, is dismissed as “another clear ploy for attention.”3 Christian has become too self-absorbed to care about anyone but himself. So when Dani says to him “I’m really lucky to have you,” he replies, “Me too.” Dani then says, “I love you,” to which Christian replies, “So do I.” Christian is looking for a way out of what seems like a sexless relationship with Dani. After conferring with his 20-something grad student buddies at a pizza parlor in New York, Christian is told that he needs to “find some new chick who actually likes sex.” When fellow anthropology student Josh brings up Christian’s uncompleted Ph.D, the waitress gives Christian a seductive smile, and a discussion of those sexual possibilities ensues only to be broken off when Dani calls to say that her sister committed suicide, taking her parents with her, by filling their house with carbon monoxide from two cars in the garage. Back in Dani’s apartment, Christian holds his crying girlfriend while he “stares into space, imagining a future that he’s being chained to. He looks TRAPPED.” In the window behind the couple “HEAVY SNOW,” we are told, is “raging in a black vacuum.”

In order to understand Midsommar we have to go outside of a film that has difficulty telling its own story. Like most Hollywood films, Midsommer is a remake. Aster describes it as “a conjoined hybrid of The Wicker Man-style folk horror with the painful examination of heartbreak as in Modern Romance.” The 1973 film The Wicker Man has nothing to do with an affair gone bad. Quite to the contrary, it is the story of a man who believes that sex should be reserved for marriage, as well as a brilliant analysis of the rise of neo-paganism in Britain. The main character is a policeman, Sergeant Howie (played by Edward Woodward), who shows up on a remote island off the western coast of Scotland to investigate the disappearance of a 12-year-old girl. Shortly after his arrival, Sergeant Howie, who is a devout Christian and a virgin who is engaged to be married and shown as taking communion, is confronted by the rampant sexual decadence which has taken over the island. After a protracted struggle with temptation when the hotel’s waitress (played by Britt Eckland) tries to seduce him, Sergeant Howie loses no time explaining that he represents the Christian social order which the islanders have evidently abandoned. Whenever he tries to get something done or obtain a crucial bit of information, the islanders refer him to Lord Summerisle (played by Christopher Lee), who is the source of all authority on the island. On his way to Summerisle’s castle, Sergeant Howie notices a number of women dancing naked in a field on his property, leaping over a fire. The scene is right out of Euripedes’ Bacchae, and it has similar consequences for Sergeant Howie, who is now clearly identified with Pentheus, the ruler of Thebes, who must restore order after the arrival of Dionysos has lured the women away from their looms to dance naked on the mountain side. But Sergeant Howie is also something of an Oedipus figure because he is determined to find out who is responsible for the disappearance of the girl, no matter what the conseqences. Like Oedipus’s Thebes, which is suffering from the plague, Summerisle has experienced crop failures. The island became an agricultural powerhouse after Lord Summerisle’s Victorian freethinking grandfather introduced scientific farming principles and, more importantly, paganism, which is equally responsible for the resurgence of fertility there. Every year the natives make animal sacrifices, but when the crops fail nonetheless, the gods need human sacrifice, which means, in this instance, the missing girl Rowan Morrison, whom Sergeant Howie has come to find.

 
• Category: Arts/Letters, Ideology • Tags: Movies, Pornography 
Is it a Hate Crime to Call Roberta Kaplan a "chubby lesbian kike"?
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What is Hate Speech?

In keeping with the so-called “Christchurch Call to Action” which flowed from a meeting of government officials and internet giants on May 15, 2019 in Paris, Facebook issued an internal document entitled “Hate Agent Policy Review,” which, according to Breitbart, which received a copy from a source inside Facebook, “outlines a series of ‘signals’ that Facebook uses to determine if someone ought to be categorized as a ‘hate agent’ and banned from the platform.”[1]

The guidelines were simultaneously draconian and incoherent. You can be designated as a “hate agent” if “you praise the wrong individual, interview them, or appear at events alongside them.”[2] Hate agent status is evidently contagious because Facebook may designate you as a hate agent if you associate with a “Designated Hate Entity,” like the Englishman Tommy Robinson. You can also be designated a hate agent “merely for speaking neutrally about individuals and organizations that the social network considers hateful.” Facebook tagged someone in October of last year simply because he gave what they considered was a “neutral representation of John Kinsman,” who is a member of “Proud Boys,” a group which Facebook does not like and does not want you to like. So, in order to absolve yourself from any suspicion of being a “hate agent,” you have to hate what Facebook hates.

The main way to characterize someone as a “hate agent,” however, is to show that he engages in something called “hate speech.” On June 20, 2019, YouTube banned the video “Owen Benjamin Finding Logos with E. Michael Jones,” which had originally aired several months earlier on March 21. That interview was one of fourteen videos that YouTube banned from the E. Michael Jones channel on YouTube in June. As with other thirteen, the only explanation YouTube gave was that the video violated its rules concerning hate speech, i.e., “We also don’t allow any content that encourages hatred of another person or group of people based on their membership in a protected group.” YouTube’s notice did not identify the offending hate speech or the “protected group.”

The terms “hate agent” and “hate speech” are equally vague; however the latter term is easier to define because its origins are clear. Hate speech is a creation of the Anti-Defamation League, which touts itself as “the world’s leading anti-hate organization.”[3] Like the analogous term “anti-Semitism,” hate speech is any utterance which Jews at organizations like the ADL find offensive. As the incoherence of the Facebook guidelines have shown, it is impossible to understand the current wave of internet censorship unless we see it as a Jewish operation. This becomes apparent when we look at how the press is defining (or misdefining) the whole censorship/deplatforming issue. A recent article in Summit News attributed the banning of “Natural News, which had 2.5 million followers,” to “the fact that Facebook is now ruthlessly enforcing its far-left ideology across its own platform.”[4] The fact that many if not most Jews espouse a far-left ideology is undeniable, but it is also beside the point because “hate speech” is not a political designation; it was created by the Anti-Defamation League to silence speech Jews’ did not like.

Lest anyone think that is not the case, consider the “ADL Statement on YouTube Policy Changes to Reduce Extremist Content,” a June 5, 2019 press release in which the ADL praises itself for causing the just initiated YouTube purge of “hate speech” channels and videos and then demands more action by YouTube and other tech companies:

“Online hate and extremism pose a significant threat — weaponizing bigotry against marginalized communities, silencing voices through intimidation and acting as recruiting tools for hateful, fringe groups,” said Jonathan Greenblatt, ADL CEO and National Director. “That’s why ADL has been working with technology companies, including YouTube, to aggressively counter hate on their platforms. We were glad to share our expertise on this and look forward to continuing to provide input. While this is an important step forward, this move alone is insufficient and must be followed by many more changes from YouTube and other tech companies to adequately counter the scourge of online hate and extremism.”[5]

Jewish Mobster Meyer Lansky
Jewish Mobster Meyer Lansky

For those who don’t know, the ADL was created in the wake of the Leo Frank lynching in 1915 to engage in domestic spying and blackmail, if necessary, to protect Jewish interests in the United States. The ADL was also a money laundering operation. Jewish criminals like Meyer Lansky and Moe Dalitz got to label anyone who accused them of criminal activity an anti-Semite in exchange for large “charitable contributions” to the ADL. During Lansky’s heyday, the ADL wasn’t powerful enough to prevent his deportation, but that situation changed in the 1980s, when the ADL began its collaboration with the FBI. During this same decade, the ADL successfully rehabilitated Moe Dalitz by giving him their Torches of Liberty award, again in exchange for large charitable contributions to their organization.[6]

The ADL and The FBI

In 1928 a Russian Jew by the name of Meyer Lansky, who had grown wealthy from bootlegging in New York, correctly foresaw the end of prohibition in America and decided to re-invest the ill-gotten gains he had made from bootlegging in gambling. After the repeal of the Volstead Act in 1933, regional centers of vice like Newport, Kentucky re-tooled and became involved in gambling and prostitution. Loansharking provided a crucial link between the speakeasies of the past and the casinos of the future. After the stock market crash of 1929, bankrupt businessmen turned to Jewish bootleggers like Lansky for loans, setting in motion a process which would continue for decades, until by the ’70s, “the lines separating the legal and illegal had become almost indistinct.”[7]

 
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The big issue at Sister’s shamba is the construction of the fish farm. The water is there during the rainy season. All that is necessary to produce fish is building three terraced retention ponds at the back of the property which slopes gradually and then abruptly into a ravine which is dry during most of the year. The technology is already there. The first step is the removal of the eucalyptus trees on the slope. The second step is the digging out of the terraces and the construction of the walls that will retain the water in the ponds. This can be done with the mud from the slope and the wood from the eucalyptus trees. In one of the houses we visited, the husband had just closed up a doorway, exposing the construction of the wall, which was made of woven branches which provided the latticework that supported the mud. He was letting the mud dry before he applied the final coat.

The same technique, covered with rubberized paper available from the fisheries ministry could be applied here. The big question is the mobilization of labor. Samuel, the man who constructed the wall, and Sister’s brother Caroly need to collaborate. First cut down the trees, then build the terraces, then bring in the fish, then raise them, then market them.

The fish farm can strengthen the subsistence economy of the shamba by providing a high value product that can be sold at local markets, but it cannot provide the transition from subsistence agriculture to an industrial wage economy. Only one thing can do that, and that is the manufacture of cloth.

In 14th century Italy, industry meant turning wool into cloth. Florentine cloth manufacture reached its zenith around the year 1350. Clothing was the first European industry, and it gave rise to the money economy as well as advances in keeping track of money and the organization of labor. The wool industry facilitated commerce as well, because the areas best suited for the production of wool were not necessarily the areas best suited for the manufacture of cloth. The best wool, the so-called Garbo wool, came from the Castilian tableland, where for centuries there was no cloth manufacturing. On the other hand:

the major centers of the medieval woolen industry—Flanders, Brabant, and northern France, certain towns of southern France, Lombardy, Venetia and Tuscany—did not derive their superiority from local flocks or pastures so much as from their trade, which enable them to import choice wools easily, even from a distance.38

The wool industry, which was in place by the end of the 12th century, facilitated the division of labor, which increased productivity. According to Schulte,

No medieval industry dissolved into such a number of successive tasks, performed by different persons, as the preparation of woolen goods. . . . Gaul provided the greatest variety of colored cloths; and the people who were looking for novelty took a fancy to the many colors. Flanders, where everyone made his material according to his own taste and sense of color sent to Germany its green and dark blue cloths for clothing the nobility, which did not know how to make such colors. However, even here we were not completely at a loss. The Rhine area produced lightweight black cloths for monks and nuns, the Swabians produced red cloth where the color was not dyed in the wool; and along the Danube materials with natural colors that were weather repellant (loden) were produced , than which there is no better cloth in all of Germany. . . .[39]

Division of labor in the wool industry not only fostered commerce, the medieval cloth industry was the source of modern economic development. The manufacture of wool cloth enabled a gradual transition from the natural economy to the city economy because it did not require a large capital outlay. The same process that was necessary to produce cloth for home consumption could simply be extended, and the surplus could be offered for sale on the international market, which fostered the circulation of money. The fact that different regions of Europe produced different kinds wool and, therefore, woolen cloth that served different needs led to increased commerce. The cloth produced in one region was desirable in other regions because each type of wool had unique qualities. The wool industry also fostered commerce because:

A cloth merchant, in order to satisfy all of his customers, had to provide commodities coming from a vast variety of sources. And just as he himself got his woven goods from far away, his producers had to provide for sales at great distances.[40]

Commerce as of the 11th century meant traveling to fairs like the famous fair of Champagne with bags of money and/or bolts of cloth:

In the large-scale export of northern cloth to the south and south-east, either from the centres of production or through the fairs of Champagne, Italian merchants were the most active and enterprising agents; and it was mainly due to them that northern draperies . . . were able to reach the principal markets of the Mediterranean. From the 11th century onwards, a growing number of “Lombard” merchants frequented the markets of France and the Low Countries, and this they did for the primary purpose of buying cloth. Indeed, the whole class of greater merchants in Italy built up their business and economic power on the local sale and re-export of foreign textiles.[41]

The fairs allowed the small merchant to transcend the limitations of local markets, but they brought with them other difficulties, most of which had to do with the dangers associated with travel: ‘The journey from Florence to Naples. . . bristled with difficulties and dangers. . . . The shortest route from Rome to Naples, the road through Terracina, had such an evil reputation that only troops and public officials dared to use it while all trade went round by sea.”[42] Couriers could travel by post horses from Venice to Bruges in seven or eight days,[43] but “It took four months, on average, to transport a bale of cloth from Flanders to Florence.”[44]

This system was eventually superseded when the merchants began to work with agents and correspondents and eventually developed the letter of credit, a Florentine invention:

Manufacturing on this scale required unprecedented sophistication in the organization of both labor and finance. Increased commerce led to the need for increasingly sophisticated forms of payment and book-keeping. The new methods of trade developed by the Italian city states, “especially the growing tendency to do business by correspondence,”[45]

Cloth revolutionized commerce during the latter part of the 13th century. The bill of exchange made it possible to transfer purchasing power from place to place without the shipping of actual coins. As a result, it became unnecessary for the merchants to convey their goods themselves and to travel in armed caravans. Goods could safely be entrusted to specialized common carriers on land as well as on sea. The development of maritime insurance made it possible to shift the sea risk to underwriters instead of dividing that risk by chartering space on several different ships.[46] […]

 
• Category: Ideology • Tags: Africa, Poverty 
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On Saturday, April 27, John Earnest, a 19-year-old nursing student, walked into a synagogue in Poway, California and opened fire, wounding two people and killing one. In an article in the Unz Review, white nationalist Greg Johnson tried to locate this shooting in a matrix of other similar shootings:

  • On Friday, March 15, 2019, a 28-year-old white man, Brenton Tarrant, reportedly entered the Al Noor Mosque and the Linwood Islamic Centre in Christchurch, New Zealand, killing 50 people and wounding around 40 others.
  • On Saturday, October 27, 2018, a 46-year-old white man, Robert Bowers, was arrested for entering the Tree of Life Synagogue in Pittsburgh, killing eleven people and wounding six others, including four police officers.
  • On Sunday, January 29, 2017, a 27-year-old white man, Alexandre Bissonnette, entered the Islamic Cultural Center in Quebec City, Canada, killed six Muslims gathered for prayer, and injured eight more.
  • On Wednesday, June 17, 2015, a 21-year-old white man, Dylann Storm Roof, entered the Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church in Charleston, South Carolina, killed nine blacks gathered for Bible study, and injured three more.
  • On Sunday, August 5, 2012, a 40-year-old white man, Wade Michael Page, a racist skinhead, opened fire at a Sikh temple near Milwaukee, killing six worshipers and wounding three others. He then shot and killed himself.[1]

Earnest mentioned Tarrant and Bower in the manifesto he wrote and posted before he opened fire. In that manifesto, Earnest described himself as “a man of European Ancestry” whose forebears were some of the first settlers in North America. His ancestor John Earnest was “one of the original colonists of Roanoke.”[2] His mother’s side of the family had been here just as long and was even more distinguished, drawing on:

“the blood of very wealthy Yankees—intelligent, resourceful, uncompromising. From my father’s side I inherited the blood of poor Southern farmers—intelligent, musically gifted, self-sufficient. A part of my ancestors lives within me in this very moment. They are the reason that I am who I am. Their acts of bravery, ingenuity, and righteousness live on through me. Truly, I am blessed by God for such a magnificent bloodline.”[3]

Earnest’s anger derived from the sense of disparity he felt between the status of his illustrious ancestors and his own inferior position as a teenager from what was now considered a despised minority, training for a position in a field traditionally reserved for women. The fact that he acted was proof that he needed to overcome the sense of inferiority that had been drummed into his head for his entire life:

“I am a testament to the fact that literally anyone can do this, and this terrifies the Jew. I’m a 19 year old nursing student from the depths of Commiefornia for f***’s sake. I had my whole life ahead of me. If you told me even 6 months ago that I would do this I would have been surprised. Meme Robert Bowers back and keep up the memes of Brenton Tarrant. Tarrant was a catalyst for me personally. He showed me that it could be done. And that it needed to be done.”[4]

After examining Earnest’s manifesto and comparing it with the other shootings already mentioned, Johnson found a common denominator in racial anxiety. John Earnest was “a white man who is alarmed at white ethnic displacement.” Filled with despair at his inability to change what seemed like a hopeless situation, he “goes to a place of worship used by non-whites and starts shooting.”[5]

Earnest had already gotten away with an arson attack on a mosque:

“I scorched a mosque in Escondido with gasoline a week after Brenton Tarrant’s sacrifice and they never found sh** on me (I didn’t realize sandn****rs were sleeping inside though—they woke up and put out the fire pretty much immediately after I drove away which was unfortunate. Also they didn’t report the message I spray-painted on the parking lot. I wrote ‘For Brenton Tarrantt. /pol/’). It is so easy to log on to Minecraft and get away with burning a synagogue (or mosque) to the ground if you’re smart about it. You can even shoot up a mosque, synagogue, immigration center, traitorous politicians, wealthy Jews in gated communities, Jewish-owned company buildings, etc. and get away with it as well.”

Earnest’s sense of “white ethnic displacement” came from the feeling that he was surrounded by aliens who were not only displacing him, they were also robbing him of his identity. Earnest reasserted that identity by telling us not so much who he was as who he was not:

“I’m not wearing the sandn****r equivalent of a durag, my skin isn’t the color of sh**, you can’t smell me from across the room, it is socially unacceptable for me to marry my cousins, I do not shout ‘Durka durka mohammed jihad,’ and it doesn’t look like a sadist attempted to play tug-of-war with my nose.”

But even if he feels displaced by Muslims and Mexicans, he does not hold them responsible for his plight. In fact “spics and n****rs” are nothing more than “useful puppets.” In his mind, the real villain in this drama is the Jews. Earnest’s action is proof that “any white man,” even a 19 year old studying to be a nurse, “can take any action he wants against the tyrannical and genocidal Jew. Every single White man has everything to lose by doing nothing, and everything to gain by taking action.” The “European race is doomed” because the Jews are adept at recruiting proxy warriors who “aren’t intelligent enough to realize that the Jew is using them” for the purpose of replacing whites. What follows is Earnest’s assessment of the role which the Jews have played in the cultural decline in the United States:

 
• Category: Ideology • Tags: Anti-Semitism, Jews 
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Director, Patrick Creadon
Screenplay, Jerry Barca, Nick Andert, William Neal
Producers Jerry Barca, Christine O’Malley

In an attempt to regain control over the conventional narrative, Notre Dame university has collaborated on a documentary film on the life of Father Theodore M. Hesburgh, C.S.C., the man who occupied the office of president for the longest period in that university’s history. In spite of all of the material which has appeared on Hesburgh over the final 30 years of his life, the script was pretty much taken whole cloth from Hesburgh’s autobiography God, Country and Notre Dame.

So, according to Hesburgh’s account of his own life, he came from a pious family in Syracuse, New York, met a Holy Cross priest, got ordained in 1943, wanted to be a Navy chaplain during World War II, was told to get a doctorate instead, joined the theology department at Notre Dame and then became that university’s president for the next 35 years. During that period of time, he became a courageous fighter for academic freedom, at least according to his own account. He established this reputation early on when he stood up to Alfredo Cardinal Ottaviani by refusing to remove an essay by John Courtney Murray from an anthology published by Notre Dame press. We now know that John Courtney Murray was collaborating closely with Henry Luce, head of the Time/Life publishing empire, and the CIA through C.D. Jackson who worked for both Time and the CIA simultaneously. True to Hesburgh’s self-serving autobiographical account, the film portrays Hesburgh as a courageous underdog, standing up to a tyrannical church, when in fact it was Ottaviani who was the underdog in this fight.

Not long after the death of Pope Pius XII, Ottaviani went to the newly elected Pope John XXIII asking him to call an ecumenical council to address the crisis of governance which had become apparent during the last years of Pius XII’s reign. Ottaviani also felt that the Church had to address the new geopolitical situation which had emerged after World War II, in which the Church was confronted simultaneously with the threat of Communism, while gradually awakening to the fact that the Luce and Jackson’s anti-Communist crusade, with the help of John Courtney Murray and the Jesuits, had created an Americanist fifth column within the Catholic Church.

Emboldened by the fact that his act of insubordination went unpunished, Hesburgh then sought out the financial help of America’s big foundations—Ford, Rockefeller, and Carnegie—who, up until this point in time, had refused to give any money to Catholic institutions, something that came out in the Reece report in the mid-1950s. Having shown that he was willing to turn on the church to serve oligarchic interests, Hesburgh was soon granted access to big foundation money, but, as we have come to expect, there were strings attached. Because he who pays the piper calls the tune, the foundations were now able to use Hesburgh to remove faculty members who did not support the oligarchic point of view when it came to fields such as economics. Stanley Parry was shown the door along with other professors in the economics department, and he died shortly thereafter of a broken heart. At least that was how the late publisher Henry Regnery related the story to me. Regnery attended Parry’s funeral. When Hesburgh came up to him at the funeral to say how much Parry would be missed, Henry said to himself and to me years later (but not to Hesburgh at the time), “Yeah, because you killed him.”[…]

This is just an excerpt from Culture Wars Magazine, not the full article. To continue reading, purchase the June, 2019 edition of Culture Wars Magazine.

 
• Category: Arts/Letters, Ideology • Tags: Movies 
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Virtually every memory that Sister Jean has of her childhood is suffused with an awareness of her family’s grinding poverty. Sister Jean was born in 1982 in a village called Lirembe in the western part of Kenya near Kakamega, the county seat, the second of seven children and her parents’ first female child. She was raised in a mud hut with a thatched roof. When insects ate away at the timbers that supported the roof in another house on the compound, her father built the current permanent house on their homestead. Her father worked for the Eveready Battery Company and then for the Pioneer Insurance company, but neither job paid him a wage that allowed him to provide for his family. When I ask Sister what her first memory was, she replies, “we were really poor. I remember times when we lacked food.”

Lack of food didn’t affect sister’s ability to do well in school. She was always at the top of her class in the local elementary school, but, even so, her father could never manage to come up with enough money to pay her school fees. The Canadian Harambe Education Society, based in Kakamega, provided a one-year scholarship for sister’s first year in high school. Sister remembers walking the 20 mile round trip journey to Kakamega twice on an empty stomach to get the scholarship.

Because of her good performance in grade school, Sister Jean ended up attending the Butere Girls’ High School, one of the most prestigious national schools in Kenya. It was a great opportunity, but financially nothing had changed. During her time at the boarding school in Mumias county, Sister would watch other girls get visited by their families bringing food, but she never saw her own parents because they didn’t have the money to travel to her school and, even if they had transportation, there was nothing at home to give her. She remembers being sent home for school fees and coming back empty handed. When Sister was 14 years old, her parents gave her KS 50 (around $.50) spending money. Instead of spending it, she walked home on foot and gave the money to her mother, who then used it to buy food for dinner. She remembers thinking at the time “My mom has nothing. She is really suffering. And that’s why I value her and all other women.” As with grade school, Sister Jean finished high school close to the top of her class but with a debt that had to be paid off before she could get the certificate of graduation.

Because of debt, poverty created moral dilemmas for Sister Jean. She remembers being at home with her mother when one of the local creditors arrived at their shamba. “Tell her I’m not at home,” her mother told Sister Jean, “because I don’t have her money.” At that point, her mother rushed out of the common room and hid in her bedroom, and Sister Jean was left to face the moral dilemma that debt and poverty had created. Should she lie to protect her mother? Or should she tell the truth and betray her? In the end she decided to favor family solidarity over the truth.

“I went ahead and lied to the woman and said that mom was not in.”

Before entering high school, Sister remembers seeing the Sisters of Mary in the local church and being fascinated by their white veils and habits.

“I want to be like them,” she thought at the time.

After graduating from high school, she discovered that her relative Sister Brenda had joined the Little Sisters of St. Francis and after seeing their beige habit, she asked her “How can I be like you?”

“You have to apply,” Sister Brenda answered. “If they like you, and your credentials show that you qualify, they will admit you.”

Sister Jean, an innocent young lady with a striking smile, was admitted to the Little Sisters of St. Francis in May of 2002. “I was so excited. I learned new things like milking cows and washing dogs. The sisters recognized that I was talented in many ways. I was a good public speaker. Good in singing. Good in dancing. Good at everything.”

That Sister Jean joined for spiritual reasons does not change the fact that the fastest way for a woman to get out of poverty in Africa is to join a religious order. There is a certain paradox involved in this decision, because in order to join a religious order a woman has to take a vow of poverty, along with vows of chastity and obedience. Because labor is the source of all value and because convents become the store of the nuns’ labor, the convents begin to accumulate wealth, which allows the nuns to partake of that wealth and share it with others. This is precisely what happened in Britain over the 900 years which followed the introduction of Christianity there. As William Cobbett pointed out, the free labor of monks and nuns got invested in Britain over this period of time. On the eve of the Reformation, an Englishman couldn’t walk six miles in any direction without finding an institution of the Church which would take him in for the night, feed him a meal, or nurse him to health if he were sick.

All of that changed with the Reformation. Constantly aware of the wealth which the Church put at the disposal of the poor, the aristocracy couldn’t resist the temptation to “privatize” that wealth for their own benefit and impoverish the people it was intended to serve. There was no theological justification for the Reformation in Britain whatsoever. It was a looting operation pure and simple. Theological justification was imported from Germany after the fact and brought to bear after the looting was a fait accompli. In 1534, Parliament passed the Act of Supremacy making the king the head of the Church in Britain. The Act of Supremacy immediately plunged Britain into poverty and widespread misery:

As this church, “by law established” advanced, all the remains of Christian charity vanished before it. The indigent, whom the Catholic Church had so tenderly gathered under her wings were now, merely for asking alms, branded with red hot irons and made slaves, though no provision was made to prevent them from perishing from hunger and cold; and Britain, so long famed as the land of hospitality, generosity, ease and plenty, and security to person and property, became, under a Protestant church, a scene of repulsive selfishness, of pack-horse toil, of pinching want, and of rapacity and plunder and tyranny that made the very names of law and justice a mockery.1

 
• Category: Economics • Tags: Africa, Neoliberalism, Poverty 
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“What would my next-door neighbors think of all this?”[1]

Reading The Shortest Way Home, I found myself searching for literary models that might have influenced the author, who is also mayor of South Bend, Indiana, where I happen to live. The connections between me and the mayor of South Bend are actually closer than just living in the same city at the same time. The author grew up three houses down from where I have lived for the past 40 years and spent his entire life up to his 18th year in close proximity to me and, more importantly, to my five children. He is ten years younger than my oldest child, with whom he shares a remarkably similar educational trajectory. Both he and my son attended St. Joseph’s High School, roughly half a mile north of where we live. Both trod the same path to high school every day. Both ended up first in their respective classes, becoming valedictorians, which entitled them to speak at their respective graduations. And both then went on to attend Harvard University.

At that point their paths diverged, Adam ended up at the Ford Motor Company, one of the last bastions of the Midwest industrial powerhouse that had been destroyed by the time Mayor Pete came into this world. Both Adam and Mayor Pete grew up in a city where the hulks of the former Studebaker plant loomed large, both physically and symbolically. Anyone who travelled south through town saw them as a reminder of what was and what might have been. Adam drew one lesson from the abandoned factories, choosing a job in manufacturing and not in finance, having learned his lesson by working on Wall Street immediately after graduation from Harvard. Mayor Pete drew another. In his political autobiography, Mayor Pete is quick to draw lessons from “that pivotal December day”[2] in 1963 when the Studebaker plant shut down and the “slow decline that followed” soon spread to other industrial cities in the Midwest. Since the 1960s, South Bend has lost 30,000 people and per capita income sank to $18,805 or half the national average by 2010.[3] The lesson Buttigieg drew from the bare, ruined factories that haunted his youth is that South Bend failed to innovate. Like the South Bend watch company which kept on producing pocket watches when the world had switched to wearing time pieces on the wrist, South Bend’s failure to get with the times was “fatal.”[4] Always the educator, Mayor Pete explains what happened in terms that even Hoosiers can understand: “The easy lesson to draw from this is that you must innovate to survive.”[5] If Studebaker had only managed to do this,” the mayor opines, “I might have grown up in a different South Bend.”[6]

As with virtually every other claim in this book, the facts stubbornly resist the paradigm Mayor Pete brings to bear to interpret them. Studebaker did innovate. The Avanti came out just one year before “that pivotal December day”[7] and two years before the Mustang, and it could have been even more popular because it was a better car. It looked better, and it didn’t explode when it got rear-ended. Studebakers look oddly extravagant today, but that’s because styles in automotive design have changed, not because they weren’t innovative. In fact, during its day, the Studebaker was the most innovative and distinctive looking car on the market. Both the Avanti and the Studebaker Champion were designed by Raymond Loewy, who was the greatest modernist in industrial design in America. Just one look at the steam locomotive he designed for the Pennsylvania railroad or their iconic GG1 electric locomotive and you know that Studebaker occupied the cutting edge of modernist automotive design. Why Studebaker went belly up has remained a mystery to this day. While rowing down the Danube in 2001, I met a retired Mercedes executive who told me after I told him I lived in South Bend, that he had been there in 1963 to buy up Studebaker’s factory machinery. Would Mercedes buy up obsolete factory machinery? Probably not. Why then did Studebaker fail? Well, maybe it was “the dynamics of globalization, the distribution of wealth, and the consequences of technology.”[8] Pete believes in the laws of physics, which is one of the main pillars of the Whig history which gets taught at Harvard and Oxford, where he was a Rhodes scholar: “Like laws of physics,” he tells us, “these forces were animating our affairs all along—which should have been no surprise to people from a place like South Bend, a city wrestling such forces long before economists and newspapers gave us terms like ‘globalization’ and ‘Rust Belt.’”[9]

Whatever. One thing is certain: there was no lack of innovation at Studebaker. Something else destroyed it. The same German who bought up factory equipment for Mercedes during the liquidation sale at Studebaker in 1963 claimed Studebaker lacked economies of scale. Locals claim that collusion among America’s big three automakers led to Studebaker’s demise. As some indication this might be true, the head Studebaker ended up working for the Ford Foundation. But none of this is considered relevant to Buttigieg’s book, which tells a story whose meaning has already been established a priori from the categories which get imposed upon it.

Mayor Pete attended South Bend’s elite private grade school, which he does not mention. He does mention attending St. Joseph High School, which is Catholic and has a more proletarian reputation, but only to let us know that he was a victim of discrimination because he lived “in the city,” a claim which is calculated to endear him to the maligned and disaffected ethnics who were too stupid or too poor to leave for the suburbs:

Later we moved to a brick house on Marquette Avenue, down the hill from St. Joseph High and therefore a convenient place for me to have friends over after school. It came back to me later that some parents hesitated to let their children come to our house, because it was “in the city.” (If there was a racial layer to that phrase, I was too young to catch it.) In fact it was a perfectly safe neighborhood, full of kids and dogs, with families who went back for decades keeping an eye out for each other.[10]

So the mayor makes it clear that he was a victim of racial discrimination, perhaps as a way of diverting our attention from the fact that the grade school he attended is the local bastion of white privilege.