Back on Tuesday, May 5, Rush Limbaugh spent nearly a half hour of his syndicated radio program dissecting the actions of Maryland State’s Attorney Marilyn Mosby’s decision to indict six Baltimore policemen, whom she charged with the death of Freddie Gray. Many observers acknowledged the racial aspect of her indictment. One visible fact stood out. And Rush pounced on it immediately: three of the indicted policemen are black. He asked rhetorically: “How can she turn this case into a racial issue, of white policemen abusing blacks, when three of the indicted officers are black?” Rush went on to raise potential difficulties for hucksters like Al Sharpton and much of the civil rights establishment if they seek to frame this case in purely white-vs-black terms.
On one level, Limbaugh has a point. Strictly speaking, the potential culpability of the black officers doesn’t fit neatly into a narrowly-framed narrative of white police abusing blacks. But give Ms. Mosby credit: that was never the real meaning of her actions. Of course, by her statements and language, she has politicized this case, as Rush asserts; but even more, she has turned it into a broader attack on the entire judicial process. In that respect, it becomes a part of the neo-Marxist assault on the nation’s legal system and part of the effort to totally recast jurisprudence, deconstruct it, and turn it on its head as part of a larger campaign to remake this nation.
There are much deeper issues highlighted by this case which underlie Mosby’s indictment. To understand these, we must go back to the 1960s, when American blacks were promised complete “equality” and full empowerment by the liberal political establishment. Over the past 50 years, a benchmark template of egalitarianism has emerged as the standard mainstream narrative for judging race and racial relations in America. This template dominates today in our media, in our schools, in our politics, and in our culture. Both political parties pay obeisance to it. Hollywood inserts it into our films and evening television fare. All our networks and media, from MSNBC to Fox News, accept it. Our schools and universities inculcate it into the flabby brains of our children.
The long-range solution to historical and present inequality is a never-ending stream of radical changes and “reparations” — verbal, financial, electoral, educational, cultural — that must be imposed on the current (and future) white population, and, above all, the dismantling of the white power structure. Even more, white people and their future progeny must be “sensitized” and “re-educated” to comprehend their substantial historic racism. They have to understand that this “guilt” will never really go away. It’s like the stain on Lady Macbeth’s hand: there is nothing that whites can do to remove it. Affirmative action, race preferences in education and in job placement, and a transformation of the culture, itself, may perhaps ease just a bit the sense of guilt carried by whites, but the burden and stain are permanent.
This sin of racism only affects whites and white-created society. As Shelby Steele wrote in The Wall Street Journal back in 2003 (“Yo, Howard!” WSJ, November 13, 2003), blacks are in fact not really capable of racism. Only whites, with their historic guilt and their positions of power to oppress, can be true racists. And that is why in the present scheme of things, black-on-black crime (which is the great majority of crime among blacks) is much less important. It doesn’t represent the racism that is inherent in white (especially police) treatment of blacks. And thus the three black police officers indicted in Baltimore are, in so many words, “Uncle Toms” only serving an oppressive white system. Since white Americans and their power structures are responsible for that oppression, it makes no important difference whether three of the arrested policemen in Baltimore were black or not; they are a part of the establishment that has been keeping down black people for centuries. The presumption from the beginning in any event like that in Baltimore is: “It’s another sign of white racism and the oppression by the white power structure. By definition, the white man is guilty.”
As Steele wrote, under this template there is a radical disconnect between how the races are viewed in the United States: “It is quite acceptable for either party to explicitly go after the black, Hispanic, or even the Jewish vote … But it is absolutely verboten for either party, or any white candidate, to appeal to whites as a racial identity group. Racial identity is simply forbidden to whites in America and across the entire Western world. Black children today are hammered with the idea of racial identity and pride, yet racial pride in whites constitutes a grave evil. Say ‘I’m white and I’m proud,’ and you are a Nazi….White guilt—the need to win enough moral authority around race to prove that one is not a racist—is the price whites today pay for this history. [Italics added] Political correctness is the language that enables whites to show by wildly exaggerated courtesy that they are not racist; diversity does this for institutions.”
By and large the dominant American political class have bought into this narrative, to one degree or another. Even mainstream conservatism, in particular the Neoconservative “talking heads” and their epigones at the RNC and in Congress, accept its historical premises, although suggesting distinctly different remedies.
Since the late 1950s and 1960s, it has been a Leftist agenda and intellectual dynamic that have dominated discussion and debate. While the Left proposes increasingly more radical measures, conservatives, having swallowed the Leftist and neo-Marxist historical narrative, have dithered, most of their proposals only watering down the more aggressive or extreme programs. The message of the so-called “Civil Rights” bills of the 1960s, the Great Society, and all the subsequent legislation and government action, all the trillions of dollars spent, all the government destruction of settled rights and traditions—all of it—was that Big Brother in Washington DC, the all-seeing and all-knowing altruistic Federal government, would correct the injustices of the past and legislate equality, and by law and various social/welfare programs, simply make everyone equal. Schools and universities would play an integral role in the process; affirmative action programs would boost minorities into higher positions and roles (whether they could or could not handle the work or schooling); Hollywood and the media would play an equally important role—our entertainment industry would demonstrate over and over again how bad white folks had been, how oppressive they were, and how the structural foundations of the American republic were truly rotten.
The facts, however, have proved quite difficult to overcome. All the trillions and all the laws and programs have done very little, save create unfulfilled expectations that, in fact, could never be fulfilled or accomplished. And that, certainly, is one of the major reasons for the pent-up anger and frustration unleashed in Baltimore and in other major cities with a large black underclass.
It is not the police or law enforcement that are the problem in those cities. No; it is the neo-Marxist template that has been engrained in the black underclass over the past fifty years: the impossible promises, the assurances that with one more expensive (and wasteful) social program, things will get better.
Recall the lady at the Obama rally in 2008: “He’s gonna get me an Obama phone.” Or, “Obama’s gonna pay my mortgage!” It is the expectations game played by the Left since the days of Martin Luther King, and it is both fraudulent and extremely dangerous.
There is a Latin phrase that comes from Aristotelian philosophy: “Nemo dat quod non habet,” which means, simply, “you can’t give what you don’t have.” And in contemporary America we have both government and the increasingly dependent minorities denying that such a self-evident truth applies.
For the government, that means attempting to transfer immense wealth (much of it yet to be created in the distant future by our grandchildren) to the underclass minorities, not realizing that in more cases than not, it is wasting billions, pouring that wealth into leaky waste bins, and that all the money in the world cannot create a silk purse from a sow’s ear. And for the minority, the continuing failure of expectations has engendered anger and rage, but anger and rage directed at a system perceived to be the oppressor, when, in fact, it is the inadequacies and cognitive disparities of the group, itself, that in large part are responsible for the failure to achieve and accomplish.
The dream of across-the-board equality is in reality a ghoulish nightmare that will, most likely, destroy this nation, perhaps breaking it into separate sections. Yet, the more unsuccessful it apparently is and can be readily seen to be, the more zealously its proponents push it and impose it. Baltimore, a city dominated governmentally by a Left wing black establishment is a case in point, just as Detroit, Los Angeles, and other cities are.
Still, Nature will most likely have the final say in the matter, and whether blood will flow in the streets or states will rise up once again to reclaim their stolen sovereignty, the present lingering situation does not bode well for the future, unless many more citizens become willing to ask excruciatingly painful questions and offer answers that hardly anyone wants to hear.
Barring that, the American “experiment”–the “exceptional nation”–will not survive, at least not in its present state…nor, probably, should it.