Here is their “evidence” from a 1975 speech:
Problem #1 – Where is the actual call to attack – let alone nuke – the USSR? If you are particularly paranoid, I suppose you can interpret it that way. But that’s a projection, not a fact.
I would interpret it in terms of what Solzhenitsyn actually said – namely, as a call to the US not to fall behind in the arms’ race, so to continue deterring Soviet aggression.
Problem #2 – I went to the trouble of locating a transliteration of Solzhenitsyn’s entire speech, which revealed that video as a primitive, dissimulating smear.
1. It dishonestly splices together two very separate parts of the speech to give the impression that Solzhenitsyn was calling on the US to nuke the USSR.
2. In that very speech, Solzhenitsyn said the exact opposite of what sovoks claim he said: “After my first address, as always, there were some superficial comments in the newspapers which did not really get to the essence. One of them was as follows: that I came here with an appeal to the United States to liberate us from communism. Anyone who has at all followed what I have said and written these many years; first in the Soviet Union and now in the West; will know that I’ve always said the exact opposite. I have appealed to my own countrymen – those whose courage has failed at difficult moments, and who have looked imploringly to the West – and urged them: “Don’t wait for assistance, and don’t ask for it; we must stand on our own feet. The West has enough troubles without us. If they support us, many thanks. But to ask for it, to appeal for it – never.”
Here are these quotes in their full context, with the parts quoted in the video highlighted in bold:
At one time there was no comparison between the strength of the USSR and yours. Then it became equal to yours. Now, as all recognize, it is becoming superior to yours. Perhaps today the ratio is just greater than equal, but soon it will be 2 to 1 , then 3 to 1. Finally it will be 5 to 1.
I’m not a specialist in this area, and you’re not specialists either, I suppose, but this can hardly be accidental. I think that if the armaments they had before were enough, they would not have driven things further. There must be some reason for it. With such a nuclear superiority it will be possible to block the use of your weapons, and on some unlucky morning they will declare: “Attention. We’re marching our troops to Europe, and if you make a move, we will annihilate you.” And this ratio of 3 to 1, or 5 to 1 will have its effect: you will not make a move. Indeed, theoreticians will be found to say, “If only we can have that blessed silence . . .”
To make a comparison with chess, this is like two players who are sitting at a chess board, one of whom has a tremendously high opinion of himself and a rather low opinion of his opponent. He thinks that he will, of course, outplay his opponent. He thinks he is so clever, so calculating, so inventive, that he will certainly win. He sits there, he calculates his moves. With these two knights he will make four forks. He can hardly wait for his opponent to move. He’s squirming on his chair out of happiness. He takes off his glasses, wipes them, and puts them back on again. He doesn’t even admit the possibility that his opponent may be more clever. He doesn’t even see that his pawns are being taken one after the other and that his castle is under threat. It all seems to him.. “Aha, that’s what we’ll do. We’ll set Moscow, Peking, Pyongyang, Hanoi one against the other.”
But what a joke! No one will do any such thing! In the meantime, you’ve been outplayed in West Berlin; you’ve been very skillfully outplayed in Portugal. In the Near East you’re being outplayed. One shouldn’t have such a low opinion of one’s opponent.
… [many other things] …
I understand, I sense that you’re tired. You’re fatigued, but you have not yet really suffered the terrible trials of the 20th century which have rained down on the old continent. You’re tired, but not as tired as we are, lying crushed to the ground for 60 years. You’re tired, but the Communists who want to destroy your system aren’t tired; they’re not tired at all.
I understand that this is the most unfavorable time to come to this country and to make this sort of address. But if it were a favorable time, if it were an appropriate time, there wouldn’t be any need for me to speak.
Precisely because this is the worst possible time I have come to tell you about our experience over there. If our experience in the East could flow over to you by itself, it wouldn’t be necessary for me to assume the unpleasant and inappropriate role of orator. I am a writer, and I would prefer to sit and write books. But a concentration of world evil, of hatred for humanity is taking place and it is fully determined to destroy your society. Must you wait until it comes with a crowbar to break through your borders, until the young men of America have to fall defending the borders of their continent?
After my first address, as always, there were some superficial comments in the newspapers which did not really get to the essence. One of them was as follows: that I came here with an appeal to the United States to liberate us from communism. Anyone who has at all followed what I have said and written these many years; first in the Soviet Union and now in the West; will know that I’ve always said the exact opposite. I have appealed to my own countrymen – those whose courage has failed at difficult moments, and who have looked imploringly to the West – and urged them: “Don’t wait for assistance, and don’t ask for it; we must stand on our own feet. The West has enough troubles without us. If they support us, many thanks. But to ask for it, to appeal for it – never.”
I said the last time that two processes are occurring in the world today. One is a process of spiritual liberation in the USSR and in the other Communist countries.
The second is the assistance being extended by the West to the Communist rulers, a process of concessions, of detente, of yielding whole countries.
And I only said: “‘Remember, we have to pull ourselves up – but if you defend us you also defend your own future.” We are slaves there from birth. We are born slaves. I’m not young anymore, and I myself was born a slave; this is even more true for those who are younger. We are slaves, but we are striving for freedom. You, however, were born free. If so, then why do you help our slave owners?
One more note. These people have trawled all of Solzhenitsyn’s work and speeches for evidence of his Russophobia. And this stitched-up crap is apparently one of the most damning examples they have found. LOL.
Moreover. Just to beat the final nail into this sovok libel.
Here is Solzhenitsyn’s 1982 letter to Reagan in which Solzhenitsyn explained his refusal to meet with him on account of being lumped together with East European Russophobes who associated Communism with Russianness, and clearly sets out his actual – as opposed to imputed – views on a nuclear strike against the USSR.
If individuals thinking as I do come to power in the U.S.S.R., their first action would be to withdraw from Central America, from Africa, from Asia, from Eastern Europe, leaving all these nations to their own untrammeled fate. Their second step would be to cease the deadly arms race and to direct all the nation’s forces toward healing the internal, almost century-long wounds of an almost dying population. Without any doubt they would throw wide open the exit gates for those who wish to emigrate from our hapless country.
But how surprising: All this does not suit some of your close advisers! They want something different. They define such a program as “extreme Russian nationalism.” And some U.S. generals suggest destroying selectively the Russian population by an atomic assault.
It is strange how Russian national consciousness inspires the greatest fear in the world today for the rulers of the U.S.S.R. — and within your entourage. It is the revelation of a hostility to Russia as such, to her people and to the country as distinct from the state structure, which is characteristic of a significant part of the American educated community, American financial circles and, alas, even of some of your advisers. Such a frame of mind is pernicious for the future of both our nations.
Mr. President, it is hard for me to write this letter. But I think that if, anywhere, a meeting with you were deemed undesirable because you are an American patriot, you would also feel insulted.